tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-70130014220000714432024-03-08T03:02:38.600-08:00anarchyandsocietysynthesizing the rich traditions of anarchism and sociologyAnarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.comBlogger78125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-55365428961711753162014-11-14T10:13:00.002-08:002014-11-14T10:13:55.697-08:00A New, Complicated, and Discomforting Mission for the Discipline: The Radical Challenge to Study, Envision, and Practice Social Alternatives<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]--><br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="267">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:"Times New Roman","serif";}
</style>
<![endif]-->
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b><u>Books reviewed</u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
Graeber,
David. 2009. <i>Direct Action: An Ethnography</i>. Oakland, CA: AK Press.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
Scott,
James C. 2009. <i>The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland
Southeast Asia</i>”. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.5in;">
Ward,
Colin. 2004. <i>Anarchy in Action</i>. London: Freedom Press.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
A few people
have written the phrase “anarchist sociology”, but it does not really exist.
Not yet. If we seek a window into what anarchist sociology <i>could be</i>, we
need to imagine. In an established discipline like sociology we have to use our
imaginations to see beyond its limitations, its blind spots. I argue—as I
assume most anarchist sociologists would—that sociology's blind spot is its
myopic subject matter. The average sociologist might cringe at the suggestion
that sociology is narrow, comparable to how mainstream media narrows the range
of potential discussion, but it <i>is</i> limiting.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Sociology
focuses all of its attention on a myriad of institutions and interactions,
roles and organizations, trends and collectivities. We use qualitative and
quantitative methods; we use small n-size observations and huge cross-national
databases. Nevertheless, we usually seem to focus on the same things: social
problems or things that result in social problems. While this is not bad—we
clearly need to know what is going on in the world—it constrains our abilities
to see a way out of the modern madness, to chart a better path.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Anarchist
sociology ought to engage in good, old-fashioned dialectical work: critiquing
hierarchical societies, but also trying to figure out how to reconstitute that
society along more egalitarian, cooperative, and horizontal lines. So, yes, let
us focus on problems. However, I sometimes wonder if we are obsessed with this
social problems project, in a rather unhealthy, masochistic way. We have a hard
time doing the second, perhaps more important task: discovering, studying, and
advocating for social alternatives.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Why are few
sociologists prefiguring a more just, revolutionary society, or analyzing
strategies for achieving social change? Sure, some study social policy, but
they usually speak to or even for the powerful. Some are “applied
sociologists”, but they will work for whoever pays them (states, corporations,
or other bureaucracies). Even public sociology may be too vague, I fear; the
world needs transforming, better examples, and provocation.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
The few who are
pursuing this anarchist sociology project rarely self-identify as sociologists.
Sure, there are many sociological works by anarchists (Emma Goldman, Peter
Kropotkin, Gustav Launder, Paul Goodman, Murray Bookchin, and others quickly
come to mind). Today, the few people who are writing scholarly works about how
to transition to a revolutionary anarchist society or studying anarchist
societies themselves are not sociologists—although they ought to be and
probably need to be sociological in the future.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
In this review,
I focus on three books that do this kind of anarchist sociology: two new books,
that focus on the recent and distant past, respectively, and one slightly older
book that is time-period-neutral. Each asks questions of key sociological
concern to anarchists: what is hierarchy, how does it work, and how to overcome
it in practice? These works are scholarly books and while authored by
non-sociologists, I will show they connect immediately and intimately to the
sociological tradition (and thus ought to be appropriated). These three books
are David Graeber's <i>Direct Action</i>, James C. Scott's <i>The Art of Not
Being Governed</i>, and Colin Ward's <i>Anarchy in Action</i>.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
These works share
a common concern for “society”—they study it and some of the attempts to
transform it—and social relationships in general. The authors consider efforts
to create societies that aspire to the above standards of egalitarianism,
cooperativism, and horizontalism. Each describe efforts to keep the state and
capitalism at bay, and how people work in the newly liberated free spaces.
These spaces are either vacated by those in power or are when the powerful have
been excluded or evicted, whether they be powerful nation-states, police, the
Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), ancient states, powerful warlords, or
landlords.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Graeber and
Scott concentrate upon very different populations, but both address highly
analogous questions: communities organizing outside of state influence, using
horizontalists and directly democratic decision-making structures. Graeber
focuses upon Western activists within the Global Justice movement who, while
not always anarchists, consciously use anarchist practices (including direct
action, prefiguration, and mutual aid) to gain further autonomy from large,
bureaucratic institutions, like the World Trade Organization, International
Monetary Fund, or FTAA. Scott's book focuses upon so-called “primitive”
peoples, who are not consciously anarchist and who live outside the sphere of
the state in Southeast Asia, in a region Scott calls Zomia. While Graeber and
Scott are anthropologists by training, they address questions of deep concern
to radical sociologists, who wish to both study and reconfigure social
relationships, and thus to lessen and ultimately eliminate mechanisms of
domination. The distinct subjects these authors focus upon illustrate
deliberate and incidental paths toward anarchist sociality. Graeber considers
how anarchist and non-anarchist activists created micro-communities and
organizational structures, which permitted ideologically-consistent and
anarchist value-based action. Activists hoped that such communities and
structures could be transported and enlarged to absorb more social territory.
Scott, instead, focuses on how people avoid being “legible” to the state (i.e.
understandable, monitor-able, controllable), and how communities engage in a
variety of passive and active forms of resistance to the external imposition and
internal development of hierarchy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Ward was also
not a sociologist (or even an academic), but a comparable intellectual mission
drove his work: to study society and explore alternative ways of acting without
hierarchy and authority. His work—much of which was formulated from the 1940s
through 1960s on the pages of the British newspapers he helped edit, <i>Freedom</i>
and <i>Anarchy</i>—is deeply indebted to the anarcho-communist Kropotkin, who
wrote proto-sociological works during his day, especially <i>Modern Science and
Anarchism</i> (which debated Comte and Spencer). At the time he died, Ward was
likely the most widely-read and identifiable British anarchist, and his <i>Anarchy
in Action</i> is a modern classic in the anarchist pantheon. Although it might
surprise some, I suspect a very large cross-section of sociologists would
appreciate this work. This is especially true for those sympathetic to critical
theoretical tendencies who would recognize the book as fitting within their
tradition. In contrast to the focused studies from Graeber and Scott, Ward
presents a strong, sociologically-informed anarchism that could provide a
theoretical anchor for the other two. Ward focuses on the theoretical matters
that the other two authors describe in empirical detail: non-coercive organization,
top-less federations, housing and residence, education, play, leadership, and
“spontaneous order”.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
There are
numerous dimensions across these three books that demonstrate the potential
diversity in an anarchist-sociology. For example, each focuses on different
populations and times. Graeber concentrates on the global justice movement in
the West during the 2000s, of whom many, but not all, are consciously
anarchist. Scott, on the other hand, considers ethnic minorities in South East
Asia over many previous centuries of history, who while behaving
anarchistically, are not consciously anarchist. Ward writes a more ahistorical
study (that uses historical and current day examples), about pretty much
anybody. He mainly focuses upon Westerners who are often anarchistic, sometimes
without an awareness of this fact. Thus, a commonality across all three books
is an acknowledgment of the potential to <i>do anarchism</i> without having to
be a self-avowed anarchist (although I would argue that such a
self-identification ought to be a central part of anarchist sociology, since it
anchors anarchism not just in practice, but also in anarchist values and
history).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
The books also
describe the creation of an anarchistic world, accomplished through diverse
means. For Graeber, anarchists behave prefiguratively to create anarchist
decision-making and action structures, while Scott's subjects are concerned
with developing methods for evading the state. Graeber's subjects appear
pro-active, while Scott's appear reactive—but I think this is only partially
correct, as both populations are acting defensively and offensively, all at
once. Ward uses examples of “seeds underneath the snow” to show countless
pathways to such a future society that parts of already exist, seeds that
simply need the proper conditions to germinate. Widely varying quantities of
social anarchist theory are present in each book. Graeber presents a bit of
this theory in his chapter on “Direct Action”, but he focuses mainly upon
exploring anarchistic practices that he connects in ad hoc fashion to anarchist
theory. Scott eschews direct connections in his book, although previous
works—particularly his <i>Seeing Like a State—</i>give a more deliberate nod to
anarchist influences. Of course, Ward's work is a full-on interrogation of
anarchist theory, where he extracts key anarchist precepts, values, and
practices, and then illuminates their many manifestations in society.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
The kinds of
relationships described in each book vary as well. Graeber describes the extent
to which people possess social trust, mediated by deliberate mechanisms that
constrain selfish ambitions, particularly in activist “general assemblies”
where decisions are made by consensus. For Scott, trust occurs because others
who live in the hills of Zomia are equally weak and unable to dominate. Ward
describes average people as worthy of trust and by nature good, when given the
proper conditions under which <i>to be</i> trustworthy and good. None
collaborate or negotiate with the state (or other authority figures), choosing
to interact only with social equals. The authors also address the question of
how to avoid the stagnancy and bureaucracy so emblematic of modern life.
Graeber's activists create collective structures in which autonomy is possible,
and where spontaneity and small group initiative is welcome and essential. The
state-fleeing characters in Scott's book respond to situations and pursue their
needs whenever possible: centralized states will lose parts of their
populations to the hills if there is disease, war, tyrannical rulers, or hard
economic times. Ward dedicates an entire chapter to the anarchist idea of
spontaneous order, where people develop and negotiate social relations, plans,
and practices when and where needed, without top-down leadership.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Anarchist sociology
attempts to see past the obscurantist features of contemporary social
structure, to identify what is actually essential. There are necessary
components of human societies, but they <i>do not</i> have to include
centralized states, greed-driven economic enterprise, domination by certain
racial or gender groups, or other institutions of stratification. In fact, all
the needs that current systems provision (poorly, by the way) for people, may
be done in alternative ways. According to Graeber, decisions can be deliberated
in small groups (e.g., affinity groups) or larger communities (e.g.,
spokes-council meetings). Likewise, as Scott writes, people can consciously
engineer communities—in economic, cultural, psychological, even geographical
terms—that help them to avoid the centrifugal forces of both outside
hierarchies as well as forestall the development of internal hierarchies. Ward
sees the evidence (and further potential) for people to manage their own lives
and affairs, pursue their desires, and when needed develop stronger social
bonds and even create far-reaching, but non-coercive, federations with others.
These constitute a crucial intervention, because social scientists often accept
as givens, prerequisites, or essential features of human societies these very <i>unnatural</i>,
human-made institutions, which are in fact non-essential, like the state. Part
of the mission of anarchist sociology is to reveal the un-necessity of these
colonizing institutions and to point a way towards social practices that
accomplish the ends we seek—food, shelter, human care, community—yet without
the things that stunt or brutalize our humanity.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
In summary,
there are many books—I have only reviewed three—that feature central anarchist
sociological concerns, even if they do not identify with that label. If
anarchist sociology continues to develop, it will undoubtedly take on a more
conscious and deliberate quality—an identity, as such. There are many points of
departure worth exploring in Graeber, Scott, and Ward, but a synthesis of the three
shows what I see as a key anarchist sociological question: how to develop
anti-authoritarian alternatives, which empower communities and lead to
individual self-management?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
One could take
these three authors to task for downplaying or neglecting the value in both
having active, self-identified anarchists and studying explicitly anarchist
movements. Surely, an anarchist sociologist might. By missing the actual
practice of self-identified anarchists—the things they do, don't do, dream, and
oppose—we are left guessing what behavior approximates those who do not accept
that label, for whatever reason. Graeber's global justice activists seem
influenced by anarchism (or at least ideas and practices that anarchists have
adopted from others since the 1960s), like affinity groups, consensus
decision-making, and direct action street politics, but the gap between
conscious anarchist and activist acting like an anarchist is, as Graeber
himself notes, a gray area which may or may not be significant. Scott's anti-state
peasants in Zomia may identify with “anarchism” if it had meaning to them, but
it is likely just another Western philosophy that seems foreign in Southeast
Asia (comparable to a Roman emperor identifying with “fascism”). Ward's
analysis precludes worrying about what explicit anarchists do or do not do,
since he focuses on the latent anarchism residing within much of social life.
Sociologists have so rarely analyzed anarchists and the few anarchist
communities that have existed, that it may be unwise to state with certainty
what it means to act anarchistically.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
Nevertheless,
is there not great value in having people act in non-hierarchical ways,
expressing solidarity, directing their own affairs, regardless of the ideology
that drives it? I think there is; yet, anarchist theory and principles helps to
ground such practice and the application of these ideas amongst those who are
trying to reconfigure their societies is still deserving of our attention. To
be clear, Graeber, Scott, and Ward all identify as an anarchists, of one sort
or another, so they do have personal experience as well as intellectual
experience with anarchism and the anarchist movement.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: 35.85pt;">
I think there
are many places to expand these inquiries. For example, efforts could involve
studies into anarchist movements, updating Kropotkin's analysis of mutual aid
and social solidarity, or synthesizing anarchist and sociological theorists.
Another significant project would be to apply social science research to
anarchist projects, and directly study other subjects and phenomenon that aim
to supplant hierarchical social forces (e.g., capitalism, the state,
patriarchy, White supremacy, militarism, and bureaucracy). In other words, much
more writing (and action) remains to be done.</div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-74213195281799263762014-10-29T14:30:00.001-07:002014-10-29T14:30:38.492-07:00Contemporary-period Sociologists on Anarchism(I am trying to update my review of Sociology's views on anarchism to the current period. Please forgive the lack of proper citations at this point...)<br />
<br />
Pierre Bourdieu:<br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]--><br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="267">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:"Times New Roman","serif";}
</style>
<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“In the arguments which I
develop, it seems to me that the anarchist tradition has a role to play. I
consider that all who are inspired by anarchist thought, or who are close to
that way of thinking, are precisely the sort of people I want to reach. Alongside
others, anarchists seem to me to be particularly suitable to enter into the new
international political movement which is being organized.” </span> <br />
<br />
Norman Dennis:<br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]--><br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="267">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:"Times New Roman","serif";}
</style>
<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“In keeping with and
reinforcing the anti-authority tendencies of the [1968] period much of the work
had at least a tinge of anarchism. Far from being one of the keys to
understanding best achievements the of modern society, the middle way between
individualism and collectivism, and the answer to the riddle of how the ethic
of service could survive among people most of whom could not possibly know one
another personally”</span> <br />
<br />
Lewis Feuer:<br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]--><br />
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="267">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:"Times New Roman","serif";}
</style>
<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“We shall not deny that,
like every political theory, anarchism has certain valid insights. Its protest
against authoritarianism, that is, the misuse and usurpation of authority, with
its needless concentration in the hands of some individual or elite, is valid.
Military elites, bureaucratic elites, clerical elites, have all functioned in
authoritarian fashions. But, authoritarianism can be controlled and limited
only by liberal and democratic means; to try to abolish all authority is the
surest way of creating a new authoritarianism, because in the absence of
authority, individuals suffer such abuses, such as the loss of freedom, that
they desperately then call for a reinforced authority. That is why every
anarchist social experiment has finally culminated in a new authoritarianism.
One rediscovers the political truth, in George Woodcock's words, that 'a
stateless society... may be very far from a free society so far as the persona
lives of its members are concerned'.” </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Richard Flacks:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]--></span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="267">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:"Times New Roman","serif";}
</style>
<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“I've always believed that
focus on radical/participatory democracy (which my own work has often done) was
in part rooted in anarchist tradition.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The SLM was started during the rising vogue of neo-marxism. I am not
sure whether the SLM itself was ultimately that important in shaping 'radical
sociology'. But at that time ferment around radical criminology was happening—organized
under different auspices</span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">—</span></span>and I would see a good dose of anarchism in that
current.”</span> </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">C. Wright Mills:</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“</span></span>You’ve asked me, “What
might you be?” Now I answer you: “I am a Wobbly.” I mean this spiritually and
politically. In saying this I refer less to political orientation than to
political ethos, and I take Wobbly to mean one thing: the opposite of
bureaucrat. (I want to tell you this in order that you may understand my own values
as fully as possible and hence be able to better control your understanding of
my letters to you.) I am a Wobbly, personally, down deep, and for good. I am
outside the whale, and I got that way through social isolation and self-help.
But do you know what a Wobbly is? It’s a kind of spiritual condition. Don’t be
afraid of the word, Tovarich. A Wobbly is not only a man who takes orders from
himself. He’s also a man who’s often in the situation where there are no
regulations to fall back upon that he hasn’t made up himself. He doesn’t like
bosses— capitalistic or communistic— they are all the same to him. He wants to
be, and he wants everyone else to be, his own boss at all times under all
conditions and for any purposes they may want to follow up. This kind of
spiritual condition, and only this, is Wobbly freedom.”</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">(and) </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><br /></span>
<br /><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
<o:AllowPNG/>
</o:OfficeDocumentSettings>
</xml><![endif]-->
<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:WordDocument>
<w:View>Normal</w:View>
<w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom>
<w:TrackMoves/>
<w:TrackFormatting/>
<w:PunctuationKerning/>
<w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/>
<w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>
<w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent>
<w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>
<w:DoNotPromoteQF/>
<w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther>
<w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian>
<w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript>
<w:Compatibility>
<w:BreakWrappedTables/>
<w:SnapToGridInCell/>
<w:WrapTextWithPunct/>
<w:UseAsianBreakRules/>
<w:DontGrowAutofit/>
<w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/>
<w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/>
<w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/>
<w:OverrideTableStyleHps/>
</w:Compatibility>
<m:mathPr>
<m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/>
<m:brkBin m:val="before"/>
<m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/>
<m:smallFrac m:val="off"/>
<m:dispDef/>
<m:lMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:rMargin m:val="0"/>
<m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/>
<m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/>
<m:intLim m:val="subSup"/>
<m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/>
</m:mathPr></w:WordDocument>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
<w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
DefSemiHidden="true" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99"
LatentStyleCount="267">
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="toc 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="59" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" SemiHidden="false"
UnhideWhenUsed="false" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
</w:LatentStyles>
</xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]>
<style>
/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0in;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:10.0pt;
font-family:"Times New Roman","serif";}
</style>
<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“… I’m going to write a
solid, tight little critique “Marxism today”—about 80 pages. You see, I’ve set
my stuff always against various forms of liberalism because those are dominant.
But it could just as well—in fact easier for me—be set against Marxism. What
these jokers</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">—</span>all of them</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">—</span>don't they realize that way down deep and
systematically I'm a goddamned anarchist. I'm really quite serious and I'm
going over the next few years to work out the position in a positive and
clean-cut way.”</span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-font-family: "DejaVu Sans"; mso-fareast-language: HI; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"><br /></span>Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-84746237674693715952014-02-24T11:42:00.001-08:002014-02-24T11:42:27.269-08:00Leaderless Organizations surveyI've finally started to collect data for a project analyzing the process that new "leaderless organizations" follow when they first form. Leaderless organizations is a loose term to refer to groups and projects as diverse as Anti-Racist Action, Critical Mass, Earth First!, Food Not Bombs, and others. Each has a certain template they seem to follow, but are still autonomous and independent from each other (although they will coordinate occasionally).<br />
<br />
If you helped to start one of these leaderless organizations, please download the survey here:<br />
http://www.scribd.com/doc/208963615/Leaderless-Organization-survey<br />
<br />
<div nbsp="" style="-x-system-font: none; display: block; font-family: Helvetica,Arial,Sans-serif; font-size-adjust: none; font-size: 14px; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 12px auto 6px auto;">
<a href="http://www.scribd.com/doc/208963615/Leaderless-Organization-survey" nbsp="" style="text-decoration: underline;" title="View Leaderless Organization survey on Scribd">Leaderless Organization survey</a> by <a href="http://www.scribd.com/anarchyandsociety" nbsp="" style="text-decoration: underline;" title="View anarchyandsociety's profile on Scribd">anarchyandsociety</a></div>
<iframe class="scribd_iframe_embed" data-aspect-ratio="0.772922022279349" data-auto-height="false" frameborder="0" height="600" id="doc_64239" scrolling="no" src="//www.scribd.com/embeds/208963615/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-1tqg8jvyn756k8c78bfr&show_recommendations=true" width="100%"></iframe><br />
<br />
Email it in to: sociology [at] riseup [dot] net<br />
<br />
I want to be able to better understand the struggles and issues that activists face, as well as what strategies seem to work best when organizing without leaders. When the research is completed, I will share the results with the relevant activist communities, so we can strengthen our efforts and learn from our history. Please forward this request to other activists. Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-42655012240661731192013-11-03T11:56:00.002-08:002014-02-01T10:42:47.509-08:00Sociologist Knowledge of Anarchism Project<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><b>Statement of purpose</b></u></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
To explore what sociologists know about
an alternate theoretical paradigm that is also concerned with
society: anarchism. Sociologists have a very diverse familiarity with
anarchist ideas, with some who have had much experience with
anarchism, while others know very little beyond crude, popular
caricatures. This interview project will engage with sociologists who
have substantial familiarity about, knowledge of, or experience with
anarchism.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><b>Topics of interest</b></u></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
Interviews will focus on a variety of
subjects, but will include theorists of particular note,
contributions, and potentialities of an anarchist-sociology, as well
as sociologist's knowledge, experiences, and opinions regarding
anarchism.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><b>Ground rules</b></u></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
A few rounds of questions and answers
will be exchanged, at the pace established by the interviewee (read:
no pressure!), over email. Interviewees can provide as much of an
answer and as many details as they wish. The published interview
transcripts will retain the sociologists' names—i.e., identities
will not be confidential or anonymous. Thus, the final product will
resemble an “oral history” of sorts. Interviewees will be sent
the final interview transcript for their review, in order to correct
any mistakes or other things that the interviewee decides to not
ultimate include. Finally, the transcripts will be posted to <a href="http://anarchyandsociety.blogspot.com/" target="_blank">the “anarchyandsociety” blog</a>.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<u><b>Correspondence</b></u></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
If you are a sociologist interested in
participating with this interview project, please write to: sociology ((at)) riseup ((dot)) net.<span style="color: navy;"><span lang="zxx"></span></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-75389528733918647282013-09-26T14:08:00.001-07:002014-02-24T11:43:48.699-08:00International Blacklist: An Anti-Authoritarian Directory (1983)More recently, anarchist organizations and projects have been catalogued by the <a href="http://flag.blackened.net/agony/ayp/" target="_blank">"Anarchist Yellow Pages"</a> or Slingshot's <a href="http://slingshot.tao.ca/rclist.html" target="_blank">"Radical Contact List"</a>. In earlier periods, other comparable lists existed, too. These directories open up a door into the diverse anarchist milieu, identifying curious patterns between the types of organizations and geographical spaces where they reside.<br />
<br />
Thirty years ago, the <a href="http://www.scribd.com/doc/171269550/International-Blacklist-An-Anti-Authoritarian-Directory-1983" target="_blank">1983 "International Blacklist"</a> was released. It included contact information for anarchists in dozens of countries, as well as a cross-listing for specific types of organizations. The "Blacklist" listed organizations, projects, unions, college professors, punk bands, bookshops, newspapers, and other anarcho-friendly things. While they included listings for the Catholic Worker and syndicalist unions, they [wisely] decided not to include so-called "anarcho-capitalists". The "Blacklist" also has numerous graphics, photos, and cartoons that are representative of the era.<br />
<br />
Enjoy!<br />
<br />
<div nbsp="" style="-x-system-font: none; display: block; font-family: Helvetica,Arial,Sans-serif; font-size-adjust: none; font-size: 14px; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 12px auto 6px auto;">
<a href="http://www.scribd.com/doc/171269550/International-Blacklist-An-Anti-Authoritarian-Directory-1983" nbsp="" style="text-decoration: underline;" title="View International Blacklist: An Anti-Authoritarian Directory (1983) on Scribd">International Blacklist: An Anti-Authoritarian Directory (1983)</a> by <a href="http://www.scribd.com/anarchyandsociety" nbsp="" style="text-decoration: underline;" title="View anarchyandsociety's profile on Scribd">anarchyandsociety</a></div>
<iframe class="scribd_iframe_embed" data-aspect-ratio="1.29268292682927" data-auto-height="false" frameborder="0" height="600" id="doc_45312" scrolling="no" src="//www.scribd.com/embeds/171269550/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-buglpuj07fc7h2w57kr&show_recommendations=true" width="100%"></iframe> Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-43849659184703065902013-05-29T05:31:00.000-07:002013-05-29T05:34:36.225-07:00Debt, Obligation, and Sociality: A Review of David Graeber's "Debt"<style type="text/css">P { margin-bottom: 0.08in; }</style>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">[Published in the <a href="http://www.csun.edu/~hbsoc126/">ASA section newsletter <i>Altruism, Morality, and Social Solidarity Forum</i></a>, 4 (1): 25-26 in 2013.]</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Graeber,
David. 2011. </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt: The
First 5,000 Years</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">. New
York: Melville House Press.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Typically,
“debt” is only viewed as an economic phenomenon, with very simple
rules and principles: when someone owes another person something,
then this debt is as official and non-negotiable as a contract. David
Graeber dismantles this myopic conceptualization of debt via an
expansive analysis of many millennia of human history. He finds that
“debt” is not as simple or clear as most people assume. The most
immediate observation readers will be struck by is that the etymology
of many words are linked to the social concept of debt, including:
honor, sin, guilt, forgiveness, reckoning, redemption, freedom,
credit, and interest. It is helpful to know that the background of
these words derive from centuries-old debates about debt or that
their histories intersected with debt debates at some point in time.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">According
to Graeber, “debt” is a social obligation we hold to each other.
Although debt is often considered only in monetary terms (“How much
money do we owe someone for that product or service?”), it is much
broader, and refers to all the ways in which we find ourselves
obligated to each other (economically or otherwise). Since debt is
ultimately about our social relationships, debt is therefore a social
construction. The answer to the question “What do we actually owe
to each other?” is never quite certain, since debt is
socially-arbitrated and can, thus, be re-negotiated. Graeber goes to
great lengths to demonstrate—philosophically as well as through
copious anthropological evidence—that most people actually </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>want</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">
to be in debt to each other. People enjoy doing things for each
other, both feeling gracious for giving (and thus incurring other
debt) as well as receiving gifts from each other (and landing in each
other’s debt). Even though free-market economic theory pretends
humans do not like this, the truth is that most of us actually seek
out debt, because we enjoy the social relationships that come with
exchange.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Much
of Graeber’s </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">
is focused on the oscillations between credit and money, which define
general periods in human history over the last five-thousand years.
Despite the popular assumption that pre-money economies operated on
principles of barter (two parties exchanging things of equal value or
desire), Graeber argues this is an unsubstantiated myth and that no
society has ever been discovered which has operated strictly on the
basis of barter. The reasons are self-evident, according to Graeber:
squaring and settling one's debts indicates a lack of desire to
continue associating with others (“Okay, we both have what we want,
so this transaction and our relationship is completed”). Thus, if
direct, bartered exchange happens it usually indicates that the
people involved lacked </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>faith</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">
in each other or are </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>strangers</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">,
and they do not expect or wish to see the other person again. In
other words, an “even trade” often indicates a lack of trust or
that we are unsure of our ability to get what we are owed from that
person in the future. Consequently, it is also usually uncouth, even
offensive, to keep track of what friends and neighbors owe each
other. This is clear in close, intimate relationships: friends or
lovers who always demand an immediate, equal trade of kindness,
pleasantries, or favors—and who keep track of any debt the other
party has—are likely to be characterized as pathological.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Another
reason why no economy has ever been based wholly upon barter is that
it is generally impractical: what are the chances that two people
have exactly what each other need? Instead, a loose system of
“credit” is more practical; we approximate our general
indebtedness to each other (at least in less-intimate relations) and
we know that we can rely on the other party to help out when there is
the need. A system of credit (accounting either goods or services)
also mandates that we stay in each other’s debt, thereby ensuring
constant interaction and sociality. This is one of Graeber’s most
compelling arguments: human sociability (and, even solidarity) is
premised on debt (i.e. social obligation).</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Graeber
dedicates a sizable portion of </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">
to discussing the epochal fluctuations between credit and money,
starting during the early Agrarian period, then the Axial age
(sometimes called the classic age), the medieval era, the industrial
age, and finally the period following Nixon's decision in 1971 to
detach the US from the gold-standard. During each period, the general
human relationship to debt changed. Graeber argues that money,
slavery, markets, and states arise alongside each other during the
Axial age, in what he calls the military-coinage-slavery complex.
Most of these phenomena disappear during the medieval period, shrink,
or go into latency. Yet, the industrial age rekindles them again. For
example, slavery (by definition, the consequence of a debt that
cannot be paid back) makes a comeback and war begins, once again, to
predominate relations between large, centralizing states, all of whom
resume the use of coin money.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The
present-day political ramifications of </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">
could scarcely be clearer: debt is not only important to economies
but is also fundamental to human relationships. To eliminate all
debt—such as what Right-wing forces seek for the US federal
government (as in the 2011 “debt ceiling” debate in the
Congress)—is not merely preposterous, but would represent a
deathblow to social relations. Contrary to popularly-incanted
mantras, debt is not universally bad, nor is it something to avoid at
all costs. A deeper question emerges for Graeber: why do we “have
to” pay back our loans, especially for those debts that are created
by unethical, hierarchical practices (e.g. International Monetary
Fund-created debt for poor countries, decade-long crippling student
loans, or predatory home loans that end in foreclosure)? Those who
hold monetary debt over people tend to be wealthy and powerful people
(i.e. affiliated with banks, landlords, loan-sharks, credit card
companies), and, let's face it, they can handle losing the obligation
that the poor “owe” them, which creates non-free relations more
akin to slavery than mutual aid.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Graeber's
suggested solution to the enslaving characteristics of some debt and
the socially constructed qualities that make it negotiable, is
proposed at the end of </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">:
he calls for a Biblical-style “Jubilee” to wipe-free the slate on
these arduous forms of debt existing between unequal parties. Jubilee
was a commonplace practice in many earlier periods of human
history—in fact, it was regularly done, not only for purposes of
social justice, but also to re-balance societies that were on the
brink of revolution. The latter is likely the very thing that
motivated the Saudi Arabian monarchy when it wiped-out some forms of
consumer debt for its citizens, gave government employees pay raises,
and offered cheap, subsidized loans—all in the wake of the Arab
Spring. Autocratic regimes watched with fear as the Egyptian
dictatorship was overthrown; so, instead of letting the burdens of
debt become so extreme that they threaten the monarchy's hold over
its citizens, the Saudi Arabian government deemed it smarter for the
oil-wealth coffers to be used to soften the worst injustices of
capitalism. Jubilee could help eliminate un-payable debt and thus
return us to the socially-useful sort of debt that obliges us to keep
working together in social communities (what Graeber simply
identifies as “communism”).</span><br />
<br />
</div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">While
there is an abundance of wisdom to admire with </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">,
Graeber's incredibly-fine attention to detail sometimes distracts
from the general argument. Also, although his prose is fascinating,
Graeber has the odd habit of starting nearly every single paragraph
via direct, yet non-obvious reference to the prior paragraph (e.g.
writing “this” without indicating exactly what previous thing he
is referring to). Thus, putting down and picking-up the book makes
for a discordant experience. Yet, such minor aesthetic concerns
aside, </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">
is not only timely and consciousness-expanding, but also an
entertaining read. Students of solidarity, altruism, mutual aid, and
human relations generally would benefit greatly from </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>Debt</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">’s
insights.</span></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-70702996867984919642013-03-20T13:02:00.000-07:002013-03-20T13:02:27.224-07:00Occupy a Small Southern City? No.
<style type="text/css">P { margin-bottom: 0.08in; }</style>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">A
local “Occupy” began in the small Southern city I live in. The
folks who started it were from a student environmental group—the
closest thing to an activist group on the local campus—and were
joined by professors and community activists. At the first meeting I
attended, someone asked: “Does anyone want to set-up an encampment
somewhere?” there was silence followed by a bevy of reasons from
individuals why they couldn't participate in it (thus, implying they
would like to, but </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><i>just
couldn't</i></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">). The new
group of “occupiers without intent to occupy” debated the
legality of a sidewalk march, looked into acquiring a permit, and
even announced their route to police (who sent a bike-cop to the
march). The occupiers were a remarkably self-disciplining group. I
was very curious to see what all this would lead to.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The
event itself inspired youthful, first-time participants, as well as
elders, who expressed excitement at the number of protesters. The
turn-out was relatively large, due to the influence of “bigger
cities”; people had heard about #OWS in NYC and elsewhere. Very
positive media coverage resulted, just as with lead-up coverage to
the protest. (Very little activism takes place here and there's
usually a direct regurgitation of talking-points by the media.)
Attendees were a mixture of optimistic, excited newcomers and
battle-scarred, cynical political veterans. People vented righteous
rage, but afterward did not know how to translate it into long-term
struggle. Some of us inserted some class-war flavor, including a “you
are the 1%” line into the liberal, repetitive “we are the 99%”
chants as we approached a Bank of America branch. The chant went
great, and was the event's most intense and exciting moments. But,
ultimately, the town's “Occupy” was just that: a one-time protest
event, not a movement.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">As
always, multiple factors contribute to an outcome. In this case,
certain things prevented the movement from moving forward, growing,
and gaining militancy. First, low trust, experience, and stable
residency existed amongst those active with Occupy. The town’s
small activist “pond” caused problems: activists must interact
with a small number of fellow activists who do not get along. Thus,
many interested people stayed-away from Occupy due to personality
conflicts. Debates between seasoned activists, who share long
histories, drowned-out other voices. Like many other Occupy groups,
this one includes Democrat partisans who—in the country's most
conservative region—position themselves as the local radicals.
FaceBook served as a safe “place” for trading information. But,
if online “activism” is the extent of a community's collective
experience, translating talk into real-world action is difficult.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The
local university, the most progressive zone in the small city, is
also the site of a restrictive “free speech” policy, vindictive
administrators, and a transient student population. The town itself
has a history of political repression (including being adjacent to
the historic “lynching capital” of the US), a small number of
incredibly large land-owners, and crony politicians. Finally,
conservative Christianity not only provides the theoretical framework
for most people's lives, but also tends to numb people's sense of
self-empowerment from collective acts of resistance.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The
biggest challenge to the city's attempt at Occupy involved the lack
of activist or progressive infrastructure, critical-mass, or inertia.
Yes, culture can change, but it often takes long years of organizing.
People do what they know or what they think others are doing—thus
if little radicalism or reference to radical ideas exists, where are
people to gain experience with radical action? Radical ideas (e.g.
occupations, GAs, direct democracy, consensus) can get watered down
due to misunderstanding, lack of experience, timidity, a “that
wouldn't work here” attitude, a less politically-adversarial
culture, and people refusing to work with others. The challenge
remaining: introducing more folks in small cities to radical ideas
(of praxis, strategy, tactics). It's possible—and I hope—that
Occupy can still help satisfy this need.</span></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-80408013817094096972013-02-28T14:53:00.003-08:002013-02-28T14:53:52.217-08:00Institutional Confidence and Social TrustThe anarchist understanding of social relations is not paradoxical. Authority figures deserve challenge, while average humans deserve greater trust (since they lack the motivations and position for malice). This understanding suggests ways to empirical measure anarchist orientations towards others in society. Perhaps a simple, but useful, way of measuring this is by constructing a "two-by-two" typology regarding an individual's confidence in hierarchical institutions and their social trust in other people. Various surveys (such as the international World Values Survey) asks two key questions that could help measure respondents' orientations. This orientation could be conceived of as a continuum ranging from hierarchicalism to horizontalism.<br />
<br />
One variable is a respondent's confidence in different institutions. Certain institutions have regularly and widely been asked about, and are clearly hierarchical in character: armed forces, police, parliaments, and churches. A second variable is a respondent's social trust, measured dichotomously as either "most people can be trusted" or "you can't be too careful". By contrasting responses to having or lacking confidence in institutions with trusting or not trusting others, four possible categories emerge.<br />
<br />
1) Hero-worshippers/boot-lickers: people who have confidence in hierarchical institutions, but lack trust in others.<br />
2) Paranoid/individualists: people who lack confidence in hierarchical institutions as well as trust in others.<br />
3) Gullible: people who have confidence in hierarchical institutions as well as trust in others.<br />
4) Horizontalists/anarchist-inclined (?): people have lack confidence in hierarchical institutions, but have trust in others.<br />
<br />
Conceivably, these different categories have variant social positions, beliefs, and behaviors. Hypothetically, category #1 may justify social inequality and protest less than #4. Such hypotheses could be empirically tested, in a cross-national fashion even. Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-28334262227420855962013-01-31T15:01:00.000-08:002013-01-31T15:01:30.892-08:00Conclusions About Anarchist Political Opportunities
<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }
-->
</style>
<br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">This
article has affirmed established claims that opportunities are a
consistent quality necessary for movement success and anarchism is no
exception. However, the conventional view of “political
opportunities” makes less sense for an avowedly anti-state
movement, since such opportunities are typically oriented towards
engaging <i>with</i> the state, not disengaging <i>from</i> it—to say nothing of
dismantling and abolishing it. Nonetheless, opportunities have been
seized by the anarchist movement, as demonstrated by a review of the
histories of a sample of country’s movements. Moreover, anarchists
in different countries have perceived the importance of certain
common opportunities and a few consistent patterns are discernible.
We found evidence of both country-specific and common opportunities
in the subjective narratives in our sample, as well as the broader
literature, with the <i>common</i> opportunities perhaps being the most
decisive in shaping the anarchist movement around the world. One key
pattern shows the antagonistic, yet symbiotic, relationship of
anarchism to Marxism. Bolshevism all but silenced anarchism in the
late-1910s, draining it of political appeal. Still, each loss of face
to the Soviet Union enhanced the anarchist movements. The New Left in
mid-century benefited from disillusionment with Stalinism, and then
the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Soviet Union gave rise to even
more anarchist organizing in the 1990s. This pattern clearly
illustrates the importance of non-state-based, but still political,
opportunities (in this case, the nature of global Marxist regimes or
domestic Left movements) in affecting the chances of anarchist
movement mobilization.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Another
observed pattern is anarchism’s parallel development with other
anti-mainstream movements, particularly labor during the classical
period and punk in recent years. A fruitful, cultural synergy
developed between anarchism and both of these movements. These other
movements seemed to be sources of new members and inspirational
frames for the anarchist movement, and should not just be considered
mere “allies” to anarchism. Such patterns were common
opportunities in many countries, not just one or two.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">These
shared narratives indicate a number of possible conclusions, which
point in divergent directions. First, there have been real empirical
opportunities that have facilitated anarchist movement growth and an
equally real closing of opportunities that have stymied the movement.
In other words, anarchist movements have experienced opportunities
that are structurally comparable to other movements, albeit more
anti- and non-state in character.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Second,
modern anarchists have generalized specific anarchist “opportunities”
to many of their local contexts based upon universal narratives that
are widely exchanged within the global movement. Thus, present day
anarchists may be articulating claims about opportunities that
circulate within the intellectual milieu of anarchist culture, and
claims may be an inaccurate or inappropriate extrapolation of
opportunities from one societal context to another. Activist
interpretations may also be derived from scholarly sources, thus
indicating a perceptional-feedback loop.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Or,
some third option may best explain our findings. A combination of
substantial and objective opportunities have likely shaped anarchist
movement success over time, while modern anarchists may also be
selectively framing their analysis as to generalize those histories
and unite disparate local factions of the movement in a common,
internationalist narrative.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Our
findings appear to be reliable, in light of other secondary evidence.
The anarchist movement narratives from A-Infos were overwhelmingly
supported by additional anarchist history sources, not just from the
same case study countries under investigation, but also for prominent
countries that fell outside of our data sample. This congruency
confirms the strength of the movement narrative as reflective of
external scholarly opinion. It also indicates that the opportunities
noticed in the A-Infos histories were in-fact major opportunities
broadly shared globally—but not universally by all countries—and
that the authors were astute observers of that history.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">With
these general patterns in mind, we advance the following expectations
based on our subjective data that should be tested in future
research. This work should advance both our understanding of the
anarchist movement and political opportunity theory. First—contrary
to our main finding about the generalized importance of political
opportunities—anarchism in some countries (e.g., Venezuela) has not
directly benefited from political opportunities at all, but is rather
the result of cultural forces. In other countries, factors related
to economics (Greece), culture (Britain, Czech Republic, Japan)—or
both (Bolivia)—combined with the “political” to shape the
movement. So we expect the relative importance of political
opportunities to vary across countries, even though they are also
shaped by common opportunities that transcend state boundaries.
“Objective” research could further explore and refine these
findings from our subjective accounts. Second, extreme state
repression has historically limited anarchist mobilization, so some
minimal level of political freedom is required for the movement to
exist. But once this minimal threshold is reached, state repression
may advance rather than hinder the movement (as with Greece and the
Czech Republic). Further research should explore the conditions that
transform state repression into a positive political opportunity
beyond the tentative data we have presented here. Finally, anarchist
mobilization has been reduced by the existence of other strong, Left
political movements (e.g., Bolshevism), as well as declines in
distrust of the state that are associated with increased freedom and
rights. These ironies, at least for anarchism, of ostensibly
positive social change should be more fully explored.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">As
hinted in the methods section above, our findings raise cautions
about how to measure and evaluate the usage of POs. Not all movements
take advantage of opportunities in the ways typically expected.
Anarchism possesses extra-legislative goals that aim to achieve the
overthrow of major social institutions like the state, capitalism,
patriarchy, and others. Consequently, there have been no pure,
explicit victories for the anarchist movement (perhaps with the
exception of the short-lived Spanish Revolution, 1936-1939). Our case
study narratives instead had to focus upon the perception of movement
“growth” or “decline” as opposed to legislative victories.
Measuring movement activity in this fashion is out of sync with not
only most other movements, but also prevailing theoretical
assumptions about how movements operate. Some movements do not seek
to influence of alter the state, but to abolish it altogether—as
well as other hierarchical institutions.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">This
study calls into sharp question the unchallenged assumption that the
state is a strategic location for opportunities from the perspective
of radical, anti-state movements. The applicability of existing
theoretical tools is limited because anarchism has been studiously
avoided in social movement analyses. Movement theories have largely
been constructed via analyses on reform-oriented movements that lobby
government in some fashion or request other elites modify their
practices, and revolutionary movements that seek to merely substitute
current ruling elites with themselves. However, this research
oversight does not mean that existing movement theories are of no
use; instead, they require a serious re-working and reflexivity to
appreciate the radical, anti-state character of movements like
anarchism. Although anarchism has not enjoyed the same level of
“success” that other comparable radical movements—such as
Bolshevism and Maoism—have enjoyed, there have clearly been periods
of increased anarchist activity, mobilization, and short-term goal
achievement. Obviously, ultimate anarchist goals—the dissolution of
all forms of economic, political, and social hierarchies—would be
difficult to achieve, and the state would be an unlikely partner in
such a mission. Consequently, the notion of “opportunity” is
still important to the study of anarchist movements, but it needs to
be re-operationalized in order to remain relevant. This
re-operationalization would seem to require a focus on the subjective
opportunities perceived and sought by movement participants
themselves, a de-emphasis upon strictly political (and especially
state-based) opportunities, and a broadened appreciation of other
forms of opportunity (such as economic and cultural) that may assist
in the social revolution anarchist movements aim to inspire.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Due
to certain methodological limitations—a small number of countries
and only one central narrative per country—our study is not
necessarily a definitive analysis on anarchism. Instead, we consider
the study to be an important step towards a new approach in
considering opportunities, especially amongst anti-state movements.
Future attempts to consider supposedly “political” opportunities
should be sure to distinguish what sorts of opportunities movements
seize upon, even though the typical understanding of such
opportunities rely upon the state for fulfillment. The radical
character of the anarchist movement illustrates the need to consider
non-state-based opportunities and, potentially, opportunities that
are more economic or cultural. Additionally, as other research has
shown, movements may have multiple, non-state targets. For anarchism,
these targets of critique and attack are many, including all forms of
domination and authority. How these claims find resonance with
different audiences is poorly understood. Where do anarchist
movements make their demands: to the polity, the state, specific
groups of disadvantaged persons, or society at large? Each is likely
to have different levels of appreciation for anarchist critiques and
goals. The lack of movement success could be partially due to the
strong social control mechanisms and self-interest operating in each
aforementioned audience, which in turn circumscribe potential
opportunities.</span></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-15623825660105069662012-12-26T08:35:00.000-08:002012-12-26T08:35:38.164-08:00Discussing Anarchist Political Opportunities
<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }
-->
</style>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Our analysis of anarchist
movements in six countries indicates a number of common themes.
Additional evidence from other non-activist histories (i.e. outside
of the A-Infos data) reinforces the major claims. There are two
questions that can immediately be raised by this analysis. First, we
are interested in confirming these general patterns in major
anarchist histories—especially those histories focused on countries
with large, vibrant movements such as Russia and Spain—as well as
countries that have been the target of substantial research, like the
US. Are the opportunity themes we discovered with Bolivia, Britain,
the Czech Republic, Greece, Japan, and Venezuela consistent with
those found in more well-known sites of the anarchist movement?
Second, are there opportunity themes that we were surprised to find
no mention of in the A-Infos data? In other words, are there
“objective” opportunities that anarchist movements could have or
likely took advantage of that are missing within the activist
narratives we studied here?</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">State repression is a common
theme throughout the activist and scholarly literatures on anarchism.
For example, state response to anarchist opposition of WWI was
extreme. Anarchists were (with a few notable exceptions, e.g. Peter
Kropotkin) vocal opponents to WWI itself, viewing it as a war between
capitalists and their state agents. Public opposition to the war
coincided with a crackdown on radicals throughout the world. The
Palmer Raids in the US are an illustrative example: foreign- and
native-born anarchists and labor leaders were rounded-up, put on
trial, and often deported (Renshaw 1968). The anarchist Union of
Russian Workers was a target of particular interest, although there
was scant evidence of their actual participation in illegality (Coben
1963). Individual US states also passed “criminal anarchy laws”
that not only aimed to stop the overthrow of government, but also any
criticism of representative government or politicians (Levin 1971).</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The social revolution that seemed
imminent within the radical movements of the early 1900s, prior to
WWI, did eventually break-out. While Marxism predicted revolution
would occur in a parliamentarian capitalist society, it instead
happened in feudal and agrarian Russia. The popular revolution in
February 1917 and the subsequent ascension to power by the Bolsheviks
in October 1917 inspired radicals throughout the world. Many
anarchists and other radicals were initially drawn towards this
successful anti-capitalist revolution, and even if they did not end
up converting to communism, they often provided material and
propagandistic support for the Bolsheviks (Zimmer 2009). The Soviet
Union formed a Third Internationalism which co-opted the radicalism
that had grown in opposition to World War I (Levy 2004). Initially,
Lenin employed key anarchist concepts in his speeches, thereby
supporting the very causes Russian anarchists had pioneered and
advocated, including the soviets and worker self-management. However,
once in power, the Bolsheviks imprisoned anarchist critics, took
control of the worker soviets, attacked and then dissolved the
anarchist Mahknovist army in the Ukraine, and laid siege to
disgruntled anarchist sailors during the Kronstadt Uprising (Avrich
1967). It took years (decades in some cases) for anarchists outside
of Russia to conclude that the true aims of Lenin and the Bolsheviks
were non-anarchist and “counter-revolutionary” at heart. As Joll
(1964) writes:</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The Marxists, by their success in
Russia, now appeared to be a far more effective revolutionary force
than the anarchists; and it was thus even harder for the anarchists
to win and retain the support which would enable them to put into
practice their own ideas of what the revolution should be. (p. 192)</span></div>
</blockquote>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The impact of Bolshevism seems
nearly universal, not just within the A-Infos countries and in
Russia, but throughout the world. The secondary literature verifies
the narratives told within A-Infos. The major exception to the
movement abeyance that began during the interwar years was in Spain.
Anarcho-syndicalism had been widely adopted by large sectors of the
Spanish working classes and unlike anarchists in other countries, the
movement was large and ideologically-driven enough—under the
organization of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT)
anarcho-syndicalist union and the Federación Anarquista Ibérica—to
retain its anarchist character until after Bolshevik repression began
in Russia and peaked with the Kronstadt Uprising in 1921 (Bookchin
1998). Anarchists also played a prominent role in facilitating the
defense against the attempted, and eventually successful, fascist
coup by Franco during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). During this
period, the CNT aligned itself with the socialist Republic forces
fighting against the fascist army. Having this elite ally (the
socialist Republican government) undoubtedly created pockets of
freedom for anarchists to pursue their goals in land and factory
collectivization. However, the Spanish Left remained divided and was
repressed by the Stalinist forces, who were ostensibly aiding the
Spanish Republic in its struggle against Franco. After the Communist
suppression of the POUM (non-Stalinist Marxists) and the anarchist
militias (predominantly organized by the CNT), Franco easily
conquered the remaining outposts of Communist resistance, thus
leading to a decades-long dictatorship. Anarchism, while not dead,
then went into a period of dormancy, kept together by scattered
newspapers and authors, waiting for a new resurgence. Spanish
anarchists who escaped prison or death went underground or into exile
abroad (Beevor 2006).</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Anarchism's mid-20<sup>th</sup>
Century reappearance would look radically different from early 20<sup>th</sup>
Century anarchism that died in Spain. Consequently, the activity of
anarchist movements around the world has been bi-modal. First, the
“golden age” of anarchism was heavily involved in the labor
movement and died away in the early decades of the 20<sup>th</sup>
Century. Second, a re-birth—largely not directly connected to the
first wave—mobilized in the 1960s New Left and counter-culture that
diffused into many popular movements. The barriers to opportunities
noted in Table 1 indicate demobilization associated with the
repression around the time of WWI and the positive opportunities in
the 1960s indicate a new mobilization period, although our data
indicate that the specific triggers of anarchist organizing varied by
country during this period of generally increased mobilization.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"> </span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Although the New Left was
“post-Old Left”—particularly unaffiliated to the Communist
Party—this does not mean it was able to completely break free of
the Old Left. For example, the major New Left organization in the US
was Students for a Democratic Society, which by the late-1960s
cannibalized itself into a smattering of various Leftist,
non-anarchist sects (Balser 1997, Bookchin 2004, Sale 1973). However,
the anti-authoritarian impulse of the New Left remained and found a
place within other burgeoning movements outside the student movement,
especially the feminist, anti-nuclear, and environmental movements,
such as the organized called Movement for a New Society (Cornell
2011, Epstein 1991).</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">The continued evolution of the
New Left throughout the 1960s provided opportunities for anarchism to
re-emerge. In fact, the current wave of anarchism can be traced back
to the New Left’s insistence upon “participatory democracy”, as
opposed to “democratic centralism” (as offered by the Soviet
bloc) or “representative democracy” (in the West). The New Left’s
eventual rejection of formal leadership was not an immediate one, but
emerged most clearly with the rise of the anti-nuclear and radical
feminist movements (Epstein 1991). Here, the tactical emphasis upon
cooperation, consensus decision making, and direct action are key
anarchist contributions. Within this radical milieu emerged many of
the key ideas and structures that would come to represent the
anarchist movement of the 1990s, namely grassroots, community-based
direct action, through the use of direct democracy and affinity
groups (Polletta 2002).</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">We expected the A-Infos
narratives to identify the advent of the Internet as a recent,
technological opportunity for mobilization, but none mentioned the
Internet in this fashion. This is a particularly noteworthy absence,
given that our data source is itself the Internet; we expected
anarchists to be reflective of the new chances for organizing being
offered by the Internet. Although unremarked upon, the increasingly
widespread use of the Internet as a popular tool for communication
(the online version of A-Infos being a prime example) seems to have
created an incredible set of cultural opportunities. Demands for free
speech rights and information exchange have spread throughout the
world. The Internet facilitated collaboration and networking between
movement allies, even if separated by large geographic distances. The
ease in coordinating protests also amplified activist voices and
allowed for the wider dissemination of demands, as seen by the
anti-capitalist protests organized by the decentralized network of
Peoples’ Global Action. It is difficult to miss the uniquely
anarchistic nature of the Internet, which functions as a
decentralized network of information channels, that allow for easy
voluntary association, and the relatively inexpensive ability to
provide mutual aid, such as in setting-up websites, email accounts,
and mailing listserves (Wall 2007). Anarchists were not only early
adopters of the world-wide-web for propaganda purposes, but they have
also created their own organizational infrastructure to avoid the
influence of corporations and the state. Thus, autonomous collectives
have spread throughout the world to provide the aforementioned
Internet services to anarchists and other activists (Shantz 2003a).
Although the case studies did not provide evidence for the
self-described utility of the Internet to the movement, this does not
discount the possibility that it was truly beneficial in an objective
sense.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 100%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-indent: -0.01in;">
<b><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">References</span></b></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }</style><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Avrich,
Paul. 1967. <i>The Russian Anarchists</i>. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Balser,
Deborah. 1997. “The Impact of Environmental Factors on Factionalism
and Schism in Social Movement Organizations”. <i>Social Forces</i>,
76 (1), September: 199-228.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Beevor,
Antony. 2006. <i>The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War
1936-1939</i>. New York: Penguin.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Bookchin,
Murray. 1998. <i>The Spanish Anarchists: The Heroic Years, 1868-1936</i>.
Edinburgh: AK Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Bookchin,
Murray. 2004. <i>Post-Scarcity Anarchism</i>. Edinburgh: AK Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Coben,
Stanley. 1963. <i>A. Mitchell Palmer: Politician</i>. New York:
Columbia University Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Cornell,
Andrew. 2011. <i>Oppose and Propose! Lessons From Movement for a New
Society</i>. Oakland, CA: AK Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Epstein,
Barbara. 1991. <i>Political Protest and Cultural Revolution:
Nonviolent Direct Action in the 1970s and 1980s</i>. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Joll,
James. 1964. <i>The Anarchists</i>. Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Levin,
Murray. 1971. <i>Political Hysteria in America: The Democratic
Capacity for Repression</i>. New York: Basic Books.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Levy,
Carl. 2004. “Anarchism, Internationalism and Nationalism in Europe,
1860-1939”. <i>Australian Journal of Politics and History</i>, 50
(3): 330-342.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Polletta,
Francesca. 2002. <i>Freedom is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in
American Social Movement</i>. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Renshaw,
Patrick. 1968. “The IWW and the Red Scare 1917-24”. <i>Journal of
Contemporary History</i>, 3 (4): 63-72.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Sale,
Kirkatrick. 1973. <i>SDS</i>. New York: Random House.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Shantz,
Jeff. 2003a. “Seize the Switches: TAO Communications, Media, and
Anarchy”. Pp. 209-223 in <i>Representing Resistance: Media, Civil
Disobedience, and the Global Justice Movement</i>, edited by A. Opel
and D. Pompper. Westport, CT: Praeger.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Wall,
Melissa A. 2007. “Social Movements and Email: Expressions of Online
Identity in the Globalization Protests”. <i>New Media &
Society</i>, 9 (2): 258-277.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Zimmer,
Kenyon. 2009. “Premature Anti-Communists?: American Anarchism, the
Russian Revolution, and Left-Wing Libertarian Anti-Communism,
1917-1939”. <i>Labor: Studies in Working Class History of the
Americas</i>, 6 (2): 45-71.</span></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-82042189233353226202012-11-19T13:11:00.000-08:002012-11-19T13:11:22.766-08:00Anarchist Movement Mobilization and Decline<span style="font-size: small;">As an internationalist movement opposed to borders, we expected localized anarchist movements to articulate their opportunity structure in global terms. Many of the opportunities mentioned by the case study histories concerned opportunities that either happened outside of their country or events that were shared experiences across multiple countries. Consequently, we found less evidence for individual country-specific opportunities, but rather common opportunities available to many countries’ movements. This does not mean that all countries experienced these global opportunities in the same way, as we will discuss. See Table 1 for details regarding what phenomena or events were cited for each country, whether the phenomena were considered to lead to mobilization or decline for the movements, and a categorization of the phenomena as political, cultural, or economic.[i]</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">[Table 1 not included here]</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">The A-Infos histories of many countries reflected common themes, particularly the importance of deprivation, the political Left and Bolshevism, international interaction, and punk. Repetition of these themes indicates a shared, cross-national narrative of opportunity or an actual universal character for certain anarchist movement opportunities. While each country-based movement developed in an interaction with global phenomena and local factors, most opportunities were not wholly derived from domestic conditions. Instead, modern anarchists seem to be describing global opportunities that are said to have benefited many country’s anarchist movements concurrently. This finding is particularly striking given the enormous diversity of the nations that comprised our sample.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">One of the first opportunities noted in the A-Infos histories is something not often considered to be a movement “opportunity”: deprivation. As Giugni (2008) has suggested, the discursive context in which movements exist can be important for movement success. If movement actors collectively define something to be beneficial for them (even post-hoc, decades later), it may be interpreted as having a motivational influence upon later movement activity and success.[ii] Thus, subjective opportunities can include dynamics that would not otherwise be considered “open” opportunities, such as grievances or deprivation. The A-Infos histories for Greece and Japan indicate that poor socio-economic conditions in countries were factors influencing the growth and influence of anarchism, particularly in early anarchist history. With many Left movements, poverty and social injustice is framed as a barrier for movements to overcome. But for anarchism, these ills are defined as systemic problems derived from hierarchical institutions, such as capitalism, the state, patriarchy, and the like, so that anarchist analyses frame institutions as creating deprivation, which in turn can give rise to anarchist movements. For example, Fragos and Sotros (2005) assert that “Greek anarchism first appeared during the last quarter of the 19th Century as a result of the then unfavourable economic and social conditions of poverty, distress and the dependance (sic) of the country on European capital”. What is deemed “unfavorable” for people is actually very favorable for anarchist movement formation, according to these insiders. Likewise, the deprivation affiliated with war was a major factor in fostering anarchist movement development in Japan:
</span><br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">The Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05 was a major event that led to the emergence of the first Japanese anarchists. At the time many Japanese people had converted from Shinto and Buddhism to Christianity, yet they supported the imperialist nature of the war as a way of integrating themselves with the state. It was those who were determined to resist both the state and the war that turned elsewhere for political inspiration, thus laying the foundations for the Japanese anarchist movement (WSM 2008).</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">Also of particular note in the A-Infos histories is the repeated reference to other Left movements. Anarchism was often largely indistinguishable from the militant labor movement that thrived within industrializing economies throughout the world, but especially in Europe (Levy 2004). Anarcho-syndicalism became a vibrant tendency within organized labor and it was viewed as an alternative to union-led social democratic parties and Marxist vanguardism (Schmidt & van der Walt 2009). As such, anarchism thrived outside of the formal realms of political power, taking energy from the masses of working class laborers. Mobilization opportunities were also provided by active labor and anarchist movements outside of each country. For example, Bolivia's anarchist movement was enhanced by cross-border interaction with neighboring countries, specifically Argentina and Brazil (Simon 1946):
</span><br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">The [May 1st Workers Union] probably owes itself, because of its geographic location, to the influence of the anarchist movement in Argentina. The second source of introduction of anarchist ideals in Bolivia stems from the forced emigration of more than 4,000 Bolivian workers to the salt mines in northern Chile, where a strong anarcho-syndicalist movement developed. These workers spread out from the mines into the countryside and the cities carrying newspapers, books and ideas that changed the ideological landscape at the time. This process culminated in 1927 with the appearance of the Local Workers Federation (FOL) which brought together the five most combative, militant unions in La Paz [the Bolivian capital city]… This experience, with many difficult ups and downs up until 1956, has a key importance in the history of syndicalism (IBM 2002).</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">International interaction was also cited as an opportunity in pre-WWI Japan. For example, “In the [United] States, [the exiled anarchist] Kotoku was influenced by many different things, such as his new found correspondence with [the Russian anarchist] Kropotkin. He translated the [book] <i>Conquest of Bread</i> into Japanese, which was then distributed clandestinely among [Japanese] workers and students” (WSM 2008). From the 1890s through the 1910s, anarchism spread far and wide, not just throughout Western Europe and North America, but also colonies and former colonies, including Argentina, Cuba, Egypt, and South Africa (Adams 2002). More recently, the Venezuelan <i>El Libertario</i> newspaper has established international connections helping to grow its national movement (Nachie 2006).</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Two major world events in the 1910s halted the further expansion of anarchism: state repression and the Bolshevik victory in Russia. In Japan, state repression all but ended anarchist activity during WWI. Mass imprisonment and even state execution drove remaining anarchists underground or to exile abroad:
</span><br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">Some unions opted solely for anarchism and grew in number, more journals and newspapers were established and the movement gained huge momentum. Unfortunately, the government then regained control by sentencing more than 7,000 people to life imprisonment for almost any radical involvement (WSM 2008).</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">Thus, state repression was experienced as a barrier to opportunity in Japan, while it was a positive opportunity for Greek and Czech anarchists, as reflected in Table 1.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">The repression in Japan actually began prior to the war with the Japanese state’s discovery of an anarchist bombing campaign plan (Crump 1993). Assassination attempts or “propaganda by the deed” may be viewed as radical desperation during the end of a protest cycle (Tarrow 1998). Similarly, in 1919 and 1923 Czech anarchists attempted assassinations of prominent political figures, including the Prime Minister. Although neither attempt was successful, the movement faced intense repression, a loss of legitimacy in the public, and the first Czech fascist organization was founded in response (Slaèálek 2002).[iii] An earlier assassination of two capitalists led to harsh repression in Greece (A. Gallery 1982). The repression by the state and by capitalist forces can be interpreted as a response to the increasing victories of anarchist-led labor struggles and the political elite’s need to restrict revolutionary change for the preservation of the system.[iv]</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Contrary to the standard interpretation of PO theory, state repression did not always lead to a decline in anarchism. According to Slaèálek (2002), repression actually <i>positively</i> influenced the movement in the Czech Republic:</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="font-size: small;">A considerable importance had also a movement of the nationally and socially radical youth around the magazine Omladina (The Youth). In February 1894, 68 of those were sentenced to a short-term prison. By that, many of them got radicalised and reassured in their anarchistic conviction.</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Much later in Greece, the Athens Polytechnic School Uprising in 1973 saw increased participation by anarchists in the struggle against the Greek military junta (Fragos & Sotros 2005). The following crack-down on student protest boomeranged against the regime and led to democratic elections the next year. As a consequence of the state’s brutal repression of the uprising, Greek law now prohibits any military or police presence on university property, thus opening greater opportunities for students (and others, like anarchists) to use universities as staging points for political protest and resistance.[v] In fact, the history of the suppressed uprising in 1973 has created a radical “meme” that replicates itself for every generation of youth who have regularly revolted in the same neighborhoods of Athens, thereby providing anarchists with annual opportunities for protest (Karamichas 2009). In this instance, the brutal use of repression by the junta backfired, thus creating opportunities for decades-worth of anarchist mobilization.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">According to PO theory, the flip-side to state repression is an expansion of political access and civil liberties. The only country where an increase in political access is noted—outside of the post-Greek junta years—was Japan. After the state repression early in the century, Japanese anarchism disappeared. According to WSM, “[i]t wasn’t until after the Second World War that the anarchists found a real chance to organise. With Japan defeated, humiliated on the world stage and at the mercy of the Americans, the anarchists decided to form a federation in 1946”. The fall of Imperial rule coincided with the creation of a parliament and an increase in representative democracy. Coupled with the unpopular occupation of the US army, there was both new free space and cause for increased anarchist organizing, the first such opportunity for Japanese anarchist mobilization since the suppression in the 1910s (WSM 2008). This rebirth was, however, circumscribed by the Cold War, as anarchists faced the repressive occupying Supreme Command of the Allied Powers on one side and the more popular Communist Party on the other (Tsuzuki 1970). Thus, greater political opportunities in the form of a more tolerant political climate were balanced by other disadvantageous conditions.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">The 1917 October Revolution in Russia affected anarchists throughout the world. For example, Japanese anarchists in the labor movement found they had to compete with reformists and pro-Bolshevik elements. By the early-1920s, those forces had squeezed-out most of the anarchist influence from Japanese unions (Crump 1993). The Socialist movement split, with anarchists (including Osugi Sakae) refusing to cooperate with Bolsheviks for multiple reasons, including anarchist unwillingness to submit to the Comintern and their own critical analysis of poor political conditions in Russia (Stanley 1978). Bolivian anarchist influence in the labor movement was likewise “displaced by the deceptive actions of the Bolshevik parties” (IBM 2002). For the Czechs, the displacement was more formalized:
</span><br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">In 1919, after the end of the war, a meeting (sic) of anarchists took place, where despite of (sic) the disagreement of the members, the leaders persuaded them that a (sic) it was necessary that they be united with the national socialists[vi] and dismiss the anarchistic organisation. And in fact, that was the end of the classical anarchist movement (Slaèálek 2002).
</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">According to Fragos and Sotros (2005), after WWI in Greece “…anarchists were a rarity. The main reason for this was the almost complete domination of Marxist-Leninist totalitarianism within the working-class movement as a result of the Bolshevik coup in Russia and also of the successfully [sic] repressive and opportunistic policy of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE)”. The Communist Party emerged strong in Greece during this period and remained dominant in the labor movement until the recent period (A. Gallery 1982). After WWI and the Bolshevik Revolution, anarchism went into a period of demobilization and decline as Communism gained increased legitimacy amongst the Left as a revolutionary ideology that was perceived to be succeeding in the USSR.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">After a long, multi-decade period nearly devoid of an anarchist presence, conditions gradually changed as a result of actions by the Soviet Union and its proxies throughout the world. Leftist disapproval of Marxist-Leninism, particularly following the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 and disappointment with the Labour Party created positive conditions for an anarchist resurgence in Great Britain (Heath 2006) and other countries. Soviet Premier Khrushchev's acknowledgement of the horrors of Stalinism disillusioned leftists worldwide, a process that would be completed (as we shall see) with the dissolution of the USSR. The rediscovery of anarchist ideas in the 1960s can be attributed to the New Left, although this movement tended to be led more by the middle-class and educated than by the working-class as during the previous anarchist movement cycle.[vii] “This marked a break with the preceding period of “apathy” used by the old Left to explain lack of movement within the working class… A revolt, often inchoate and unarticulated, among young people against this complacency meant some were attracted to this new movement” (Heath 2006). During the period of the 1960s, the growth of anarchism ran parallel to intensified social movement struggles, including anti-colonialist movements, civil rights, and anti-war movements (especially regarding the US war against Vietnam). The British anarchist movement was rejuvenated in the early 1960s through the “ban the bomb” movement, especially the Committee of 100 (Heath 2006). This re-birth of anarchist politics surprised many observers, including esteemed anarchist historian George Woodcock (1962). While 1960s anarchism differed from classical anarchism, Lerner noted certain similarities, including an acceptance of violence, anti-majoritarianism, individual moral responsibility, radical critique of the state, and longing for a simpler life (Lerner 1970).</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Perhaps the most important political opportunity enabling the dramatic mobilization of anarchism in the 1990s was created by the fall of the Soviet Union. This incredible development affected not only Russia, but former Soviet republics and Eastern Europe. Active social change organizations and movements grew as state repression declined in these countries (Ruff 1991, Tarrow 1998). This decline in repression was coupled with another important, related opportunity that fueled anarchist movements globally: the possible spectrum of radical dissent re-broadened. The demonstrable failure of state-centered socialism freed the political Left from some of its historical, totalitarian baggage. Marxist vanguardism lost credibility in the eyes of people throughout the world’s social movements, which allowed for other visions of socialism and leftism. For radicals, the political and moral failure of Marxism facilitated a greater appreciation and enhanced legitimacy for anarchist ideas and practice. For example, crumbling Communism led Czech anarchists to begin publicly organizing against the army and fascists prior to the fall of the Czech regime. The Czech A-Infos history notes that “[a]fter the fall of Bolshevik in 1989 the trockists (sic) created a free platform of the autonomous and liberal activities called Lev alternative (‘The left alternative’), in which the anarchists also participated” (Slaèálek 2002).</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Anarchism seems to have prospered well in the general milieu of the radical working class movements, but in reverse proportion to the Left, particularly Marxism. The victory of Bolshevism led to anarchist decline, while mid-century disappointment with the USSR and other leftists—e.g. the Hungarian revolt in 1956—increased anarchist mobilization. The record also indicates a dramatic global boom in anarchism in the wake of the USSR’s break-up in the late-1980s and early 1990s. This supports Olzak and Uhrig’s (2001) argument that similar actors in a social movement field—in this case radical Leftists—compete for scarce resources, including members and popular support. Therefore, in times of one radical tendency’s success and legitimacy, others are diminished and vice-versa in other times.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">The integration of the Eastern/socialist bloc countries into the world economy intensified global economic integration (commonly called “globalization”). This economic opportunity brought (or, perhaps, forced) social movements from disparate struggles and locations together, compelling dialogue and coordination on a wider variety of issues (Smith 2004). Capitalist integration and hegemony created resistance by those who did not benefit—primarily workers and citizens, but also the indigenous and other disenfranchised minorities. Globalization spurred an increased focus upon issues and struggles worldwide about which other activists were previously unaware or unconcerned. Institutions that drove the processes of economic globalization, particularly the World Trade Organization, World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Group of Eight (G8) became the target of protests in which anarchists played a central role (Epstein 2001). This globalization of local enemies drew anarchist protest at high-profile meetings and summits that were popularly represented in the media as events overrun with the most radical of critics (anarchists) who dramatically faced the state and its repressive forces (the police). For example, the 2000 World Bank and IMF meetings were held in Prague, Czech Republic and large protests took place, including multiple marches led by or consisting of anarchists (Juris 2008, Notes From Nowhere 2003). In Bolivia, as in other places, anti-capitalist traditions were merged with a growing awareness of globalized capitalism: “Juventudes Libertarias, a group of anarchist-communists base in La Paz, has risen from a strong history of resistance to capitalism in the country” (IBM 2002).</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Finally, a cultural opportunity has been offered by the musical punk subculture of the West since the late 1970s and 1980s. While punk is not explicitly “anarchist”, the opportunities offered by punk as a cultural form are undeniable. Punk scenes provided a “safe space” for anti-authoritarian politics, recruiting grounds for future anarchists, and a shared culture that could unite anarchists. As such, punk is not just a music form, but a subculture grouping and practice that rejuvenated and fed into the broader anarchist movement. In Great Britain—the birthplace of punk—anarcho-punk took a front-seat within the anarchist movement:
</span><br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">The beginning of the 1980s saw another upsurge in anarchism. A number of young people began to refer to themselves as anarchists. This had its origins in the birth of the punk movement in the late 70s and the influence of the Crass group (Heath 2006).</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">British punk dovetailed with the Stop the City protests, the confrontational Class War organization, and countless local music scenes throughout Britain (Heath 2006). This chaotic, intense, and confrontational musical form brought with it a strong anti-authoritarian impulse and DIY (“do it yourself”) ethic that mirrored the anarchist preference for “direct action”. Through these sub-cultural channels, punk rock spread anarchism throughout the world, along with references to historical anarchism, radical left-wing values, and various, relatively new concerns (such as those of the so-called “new social movements”), including anti-racism, feminism, animal liberation, environmental defense, and anti-imperialism (O’Hara 1999). Punk frequently articulated anti-authoritarian politics that were sometimes explicitly anarchist in nature. Influential anarcho-punk bands and organizations inspired punks to become active in radical politics.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;">Punk soon spread throughout the world, with active “scenes” found throughout Latin America, Europe, and Asia (O’Connor 2004, O’Hara 1999). With the emergence of local or national punk scenes, anarchists mobilized the energies of otherwise non-political punks. For example, punk has been so influential in Venezuela that the national anarchist movement may be separated into two groupings: that which has been fostered by anarcho-punk and that which has not. According to Nachie (2006),
</span><br />
<blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">“[a]lthough Venezuela has no appreciable history of explicitly-anarchist direct action and the scene is certainly less militant than others in Chile or Brazil for instance, anarcho-punk, organized or unorganized, is undoubtedly the most consolidated and publicly visible source of anarchist ideas in the country”.</span></blockquote>
<span style="font-size: small;">Punk is also identified as an “important influence” on the re-birth of Czech anarchism (Slaèálek 2002). The influence of anarcho-punk was particularly strong after the “Velvet Revolution” that split Slovakia from the Czech Republic, with over a hundred anarchist groups in the country, many “crystallize[d] around punk and hardrock music groups” (Konvička & Kavan 1994: 175). The influence of punk on modern anarchism cannot be understated; punk cultural symbols and dress are widely represented amongst anarchists, almost to the point where the two sometimes appear to merge and become one. Yet, punk has not had a universal, dominant role in anarchist movements, as indicated by the fact that the narratives from Bolivia, Greece, and Japan did not mention punk.</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>Endnotes</b></span><br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[i]
We coded specific opportunities that were seen as causal
in a temporal sense rather than contextual/historical. For example,
discussion of patterns in a country’s literature or art across
centuries may have played a role in shaping the anarchist movement,
but this does not represent a specific “opportunity” in the same
sense that the emergence of the punk movement in music did. The Punk
movement occurred at a specific point in time, which according to
Heath (2006), led to an “upsurge in anarchism” in the 1980s at
which point “A number of young people began to refer themselves as
anarchists.” This is a specific opportunity with a defined outcome
occurring at an identifiable point in time. We operationalized this
example as an opportunity. In contrast, the discussion by Slaèálek
(2002) of “revolts against authorities” during “the Czech
Middle Ages” may be important for the context in which anarchism in
that country developed in the 20th century, but we did not
operationalize it as an “opportunity” because such background
conditions always exist and are neither necessary nor sufficient for
movement growth at a particular time point.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-size: small;"></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[ii]
For example, Christiansen’s (2009) study of the contemporary
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) found that members told
themselves decades-old stories about the IWW and established a direct
connection with anarchism that mutually stimulated growth for both
the IWW and the anarchist movement.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-size: small;"></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[iii]
Dictators elsewhere did not require attempted assassinations to
justify anarchist repression. For example, the Gómez dictatorship in
Venezuela did not tolerate unions or anarchists during its 27 year
reign from 1908 to 1935 (Simon 1946).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-size: small;"></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[iv]
Sabatini (1996) argues—somewhat unconvincingly—that repression is
“not very tenable as a main causal factor” in anarchist movement
decline (p. 175). This “decline” occurs earlier (1900) in
Sabatini’s estimation and the evidence offered earlier does not
operationalize how “decline” or “repression” is measured.
“Repression” is only considered in a narrow number of countries
and the massive red scare of the late-1910s and early-1920s is not
considered.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[v]
Evidence for the importance of this protection has been shown in many
instances, including the late-2008 protests following the police
murder of a 15-year old Greek (Karamichas 2009).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[vi]
“National socialism” here is not comparable to fascism, but
rather refers to the country-based socialist parties.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">[vii]
Incidentally, Breines (1982) argues that anarchists and pacifists had
a substantial influence on the New Left, too, including Murray
Bookchin, Paul Goodman, and C. Wright Mills. Also, for more on class
differences in modern anarchism, see Williams (2009).</span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>References</b></span><br />
<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }
</style><span style="font-size: small;">
</span>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">A. Gallery. 1982. <i>A Brief
History of Anarchism in Greece</i>. Athens: A. Gallery.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Adams, Jason. 2002. <i>Nonwestern
Anarchisms: Rethinking the Global Context</i>. Johannesburg: Zabalaza
Books.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Breines, Wini. 1982. <i>Community
and Organization in the New Left, 1962-1968: The Great Refusal</i>.
New York: Praeger.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Christiansen, Jonathan. 2009.
“’We Are All Leaders’: Anarchism and the Narrative of the
Industrial Workers of the World”. <i>Working USA: The Journal of
Labor & Society</i>, 12 (3), September: 387-401.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Crump, John. 1993. <i>Hatta Shūzō
and Pure Anarchism in Interwar Japan</i>. New York: St. Martin’s
Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Epstein, Barbara. 2001.
“Anarchism and the Anti-Globalization Movement”. <i>Monthly
Review</i>, 53: 1-14.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Fragos, Spyros & James
Sotros. 2005. “The General Social, Political and Economic Situation
in Greece and the Greek Anarchist Movement”. Retrieved May 1, 2007
(http://www.ainfos.ca/05/apr/ainfos00252.html).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Giugni, Marco. 2008. “Welfare
States, Political Opportunities, and the Mobilization of the
Unemployed: A Cross-National Analysis”. <i>Mobilization: An
International Journal</i>, 13 (3): 297-310.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Heath, Nick. 2006. “40 Years of
British Anarchism”. Retrieved May 1, 2007
(http://www.ainfos.ca/06/nov/ainfos00272.html).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">IBM. 2002. “Discussions With
Bolivia’s Libertarian Youth”. Retrieved May 1, 2007
(http://www.ainfos.ca/02/oct/ainfos00382.html).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Juris, Jeffrey. 2008. <i>Networking
Futures: The Movements Against Corporate Globalization</i>. Durham,
NC: Duke University Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Karamichas, John. 2009. “The
December 2008 Riots in Greece”. <i>Social Movement Studies</i>, 8
(3), August: 289-293.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Konvička, Libor and Jan Kavan.
1994. “Youth Movements and the Velvet Revolution”. <i>Communist
and Post-Communist Studies</i>, 27 (2): 160-176.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Lerner, Michael. 1970. “Anarchism
and the American Counter-Culture”. <i>Government and Opposition</i>,
5 (4), August: 430-455.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Levy, Carl. 2004. “Anarchism,
Internationalism and Nationalism in Europe, 1860-1939”. <i>Australian
Journal of Politics and History</i>, 50 (3): 330-342.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Nachie. 2006. “Notes on the
Anarchist Movement in Caracas”. Retrieved May 1, 2007
(http://www.ainfos.ca/06/jul/ainfos00085.html).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Notes From Nowhere. 2003. <i>We
Are Everywhere: The Irresistible Rise of Global Anti-Capitalism</i>.
London: Verso.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">O'Connor, Alan. 2004. “Punk and
Globalization: Spain and Mexico”. <i>International Journal of
Cultural Studies</i>, 7 (2): 175-195.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">O’Hara, Craig. 1999. <i>The
Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise</i>. San Francisco: AK Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Olzak, Susan and S.C. Noah Uhrig.
2001. “The Ecology of Tactical Overlap”. <i>American Sociological
Review</i>, 66 (5), October: 694-717.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Ruff, Philip.1991. <i>Anarchy in
the USSR</i>. London: ASP.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Sabatini, Peter Joseph. 1996. <i>The
Marginalization of Anarchism</i>. Unpublished dissertation.
University of California, Irvine.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Schmidt, Michael and Lucien van
der Walt. 2009. <i>Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of
Anarchism and Syndicalism</i>. Oakland: AK Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Simon, S. Fanny. 1946. “Anarchism
and Anarcho-Syndicalism in South America”. <i>The Hispanic American
Historical Review</i>, 26 (1), February: 38-59.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Slaèálek, Ondøej. 2002. “Brief
History of the Czech Anarchism”. Retrieved May 1, 2007
(http://www.ainfos.ca/02/nov/ainfos00698.html).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Smith, Jackie. 2004. “Exploring
Connections Between Global Integration and Political Mobilization”.
<i>Journal of World-Systems Research</i>, 10 (1): 255-285.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Stanley, Thomas A. 1978. <i>A
Japanese Anarchist's Rejection of Marxism-Leninism: Ōsugi Sakae and
the Russian Revolution</i>. Western Conference of the Association for
Asian Studies.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Tarrow, Sidney. 1998. <i>Power in
Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics</i>.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Tsuzuki, Chushichi. 1970.
“Anarchism in Japan”. <i>Government and Opposition</i>, 5 (4),
Autumn: 501-522.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Williams, Dana M. 2009
“Anarchists and Labor Unions: An Analysis Using New Social Movement
Theories”. <i>Working USA: The Journal of Labor and Society</i>, 12
(3), September: 337-354.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">Woodcock, George. 1962.
<i>Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements</i>.
Cleveland: Meridian.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif; font-size: small;">WSM. 2008. “WSM Talk On the
history of Japanese Anarchism”. Retrieved May 1, 2007
(http://www.ainfos.ca/en/ainfos20822.html).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 0.5in; text-indent: -0.5in;">
<span style="font-size: small;"><br /></span></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-65105437677152824872012-10-14T18:43:00.001-07:002012-10-14T18:46:35.971-07:00Studying Historical Anarchist Movements<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">We
present two loose, competing hypotheses regarding anarchist political
opportunities<sup><a class="sdendnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=7013001422000071443#sdendnote1sym" name="sdendnote1anc"></a></sup>.
[1] First, <i>country-specific
opportunities</i> may have
assisted some anarchist movements but hindered others, with local
context being the decisive factor. In this case, what explains the
variations in anarchist activity per country (for example, the varied
concentrations of anarchist organizations listed in the Anarchist
Yellow Pages)? Opportunities that have shaped a particular movement’s
development, success, and survival ought to be apparent in any
analysis. Second, as an international movement—especially one
intent on eliminating state borders and global capitalism—<i>common
opportunities</i> may be
larger in scale than the country-level. Opportunities may be more
general than any one country and instead may be shared across
national borders. This possibility suggests that country-specific
opportunities are less important.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">PO
theory (McAdam 1996) and past studies (Williams & Lee 2008) have
tended to consider objective and easily quantifiable opportunities
and not the subjective opportunities that matter to participants. We
argue that opportunities must be perceived as <i>real</i>
to insiders in order to be a useful in the analysis of historical,
subjective narratives, either in the present or in retrospect.
Subjectivity is important in analyzing opportunity, especially in the
case of movements that persist despite few or no major victories.
Insider narratives about perceived opportunities can help to explain
the actions of movement participants. Therefore, we examine
country-level movement case studies that are built upon the arguments
and analyses of anarchists themselves discussing opportunities that
each movement encountered. Our approach is based upon a <i>verstehen</i>
epistemology, and while one might assume anarchist authors would
insert propagandistic claims into such histories, this is not the
case—the histories appear to be realistic representations from
insider perspectives.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">Apart
from monumental but short-lived events—like the Paris Commune
(1871), Russian Revolution (February 1917), and Barcelona uprising
during the Spanish Civil War (1936)—anarchism has had few concrete
successes that scholars can reference as outcomes of open opportunity
structures. Consequently, appreciating the narrative offered by
anarchists about themselves and their movement’s history will serve
as an appropriate guide to understanding anarchist movement-specific
mobilization and decline. While it is still difficult to determine
what “success” looks like for anarchism, we can analyze the
factors that participants think has helped or hurt their movement.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">Information
on country-specific anarchist movement histories was collected from
A-Infos (www.ainfos.ca). Billing itself as “a multi-lingual news
service by, for, and about anarchists”, A-Infos has provided news
articles about anarchist politics, ideas, and movement events for
over a decade and a half. Initially started as a print-based news
source, it went online in 1995 and by 2008 the A-Infos archives
boasted over sixty-thousand news items in over a dozen languages
(A-Infos 2008).<sup><a class="sdendnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=7013001422000071443#sdendnote2sym" name="sdendnote2anc"></a></sup> [2] A-Infos is administered by people who identify with a
pro-organizational, class-struggle anarchist tradition. This
“capital-A anarchist” identity eschews egocentric individualist,
primitivist, and arm-chair anarchisms, as well as statist
anti-capitalism, liberalism, and so-called “anarcho-capitalism”.<sup><a class="sdendnoteanc" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=7013001422000071443#sdendnote3sym" name="sdendnote3anc"></a></sup> [3] This positioning places A-Infos squarely within the major Leftwing of
the anarchist movement, often loosely identified as
“anarcho-communist”, although that term is sometimes seen as
exclusionary and inaccurate. A-Infos includes many items that address
anarchist organizations and movement strategy, thus making it highly
appropriate for the purposes of this study. The authors of A-Infos
items are themselves anarchists, writing either on behalf of a
particular organization or in a personal capacity. [4] The intended audience of A-Infos news items is also anarchists who
participate in anarchist movements around the world. Items focus both
on matters internal to the anarchist movement, as well as
wider-societal matters of interest to anarchists. Thus, the case
studies included here are sampled from a universe representing what
is arguably the philosophical center of the anarchist movement.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">In
order to discover factors contributing to the success of
country-level anarchist movements, we sought anarchist-written
histories indicating perceived opportunities and barriers within a
given country, especially those that were longitudinal in character.
Thus, we searched the A-Infos archives for English-language articles
presenting analyses and histories of country-level anarchist
movements. Since we were seeking mention of factors that indicated
positive or negative changes, we had to discard some country-level
histories that did not discuss any discernible opportunities afforded
to the movements (including Argentina, Serbia, and Turkey). These
countries are unlikely to be devoid of opportunities and barriers;
authors merely neglected to note such qualities. Also of interest to
this study was any description of conditions external to a country’s
anarchist movement that the author perceived as having an impact upon
that movement. Specifically, “positive” opportunities are those
factors that enhanced or aided the anarchist movement’s
mobilization, while “barriers” to opportunity are factors which
stymied or prevented the anarchist movement’s activities, leading
to some form of decline. Opportunities were located by the grammar
and context that indicated a perceived impact on the anarchist
movement. For example, phrases like “success”, “influence”,
“source of”, “effect”, “created”, “led to” and “a
real chance to” were a few of the textual indicators for mobilizing
opportunities. Negative opportunities and decline were marked by
phrases like “displaced”, “anarchists were a rarity”, “the
government then retained control”, or “was the end of the
classical anarchist movement”. More of these phrases will be
presented in the examples that follow. The opportunities and barriers
were categorized organically, based upon how the particular phenomena
or events were described.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">We
acknowledge that one weakness of our study is the broad consideration
of any form of success present in the narratives. Other studies using
political opportunity have had to clearly define what constitutes a
successful outcome acquired via a political opportunity. Meyer (2004)
identifies a variety of these movement outcomes, with dependent
variables ranging from policy changes to electing candidates to
office, or the creation of alternative institutions and different
practices. Unfortunately, it is difficult to operationalize outcomes
such as “abolition of an oppressive institution” because complete
abolition is rarely achieved and some movement participants focus on
the use of non-hierarchical means rather than the achievement of
specific ends. Historically, anarchists have almost never been able
to achieve such victories on anything but a micro-scale or
short-lived basis. Opportunities are still real, though, even if the
ultimate goal has never been concretely reached. Consequently, our
study aims to consider the more abstract, progressive gains of
anarchist movements, often manifested as a growth in participating
membership, campaign victories, or increased conflict with elites.
Some may view this as stretching political opportunity too thinly or
a still-born definition of “success”; we consider it a necessary
adaptation to the nature and statuses of anarchist movements
historically.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">Six
movement histories from A-Infos included discussion of opportunities
and thus these countries—Bolivia (IBM 2002), Czech Republic
(Slaèálek 2002), Great Britain (Heath 2006), Greece (Fragos &
Sotros 2005), Japan (WSM 2008), and Venezuela (Nachie 2006)—compose
our analysis. In this paper we conduct a textual analysis based on
the content of these A-Infos articles. When referencing a history
published via A-Infos, we cite the author of the essay, not A-Infos
itself. These histories are the principal data we analyze in this
study and we use the histories to construct a picture of which
factors have been perceived to help or hurt anarchist movements over
time. In addition, secondary materials consisting of peer-reviewed
journal articles and books (some of which are also authored by
anarchist or “anarcho-friendly” authors) were used to supplement
and further contextualize the country-based histories found in
A-Infos.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">While
these countries derive from a convenience sample and should be
considered non-representative of other country-level anarchist
movements, they represent highly diverse political, economic, and
cultural systems and therefore make excellent sites for theoretical
comparison. For example, some countries have long-established
parliamentary traditions (Great Britain), while others are recent
dictatorships (Greece). Wealthy (Japan) and poor (Venezuela)
countries are included, as well as those with a sizable indigenous
population (Bolivia) and a recent history of state communism (Czech
Republic). We believe that this sample of countries represents a
varied range of political opportunities and anarchist movement
histories. This variation will allow for fruitful comparisons and
case studies.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span style="font-family: inherit;">Notes </span></b></span><br />
<div id="sdendnote1">
<div class="sdendnote">
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">[1] As we do not aim to generalize our findings, nor argue that such a
goal is possible using our research design, our “hypotheses” may
be better thought as general expectations given past research. We
are not interested in testing or proving either, but merely
expressing what we suspected to find at the outset of our research.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">[2] Languages include: Chinese, Dutch, English, Finnish, French, German,
Greek, Italian, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, Swedish, and
Turkish.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="sdendnote3">
<div class="sdendnote">
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><a class="sdendnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=7013001422000071443#sdendnote3anc" name="sdendnote3sym"></a>[3] A-Infos may not be as strict in its promotion of certain ideological
presentations of anarchism as it claims to be. For example, the
archives include materials that discuss (and sometimes promote)
primitivism as well as purely philosophical anarchist analysis.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;"><a class="sdendnotesym" href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=7013001422000071443#sdendnote4anc" name="sdendnote4sym"></a>[4] Although there are presumably fewer A-Infos authors than readers, we
believe it is fair to build an understanding of anarchist movement
opportunities using these authors because: (1) they influence the
perceptions of other anarchists, especially A-Infos readers, (2)
they themselves are anarchists and active participants in the
movement, and (3) they are likely more reflective participants in
the movement and are good sources for well-read, well-reasoned
reflection. Of course this is simply one data set and the
narratives should not be taken to represent the consensus views of
the anarchist movement as a whole, since these views are quite
variable (as this paper demonstrates).</span></div>
</div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-88176934704371142582012-08-31T11:34:00.002-07:002012-08-31T11:34:17.535-07:00Political Opportunities: Potentials and ProblemsPolitical opportunities (PO) help to create options more conducive for action, thereby helping social movement organizations to achieve goals. McAdam described four central POs that past researchers have consistently deemed relevant to social movements: (1) increased access to political participation; (2) shifts in the alignments of ruling elites or cleavages amongst elites that create space for challengers; (3) the enhanced availability and accessibility of influential elite allies; and (4) a decline in the capacity or tendency for the state to repress dissent (McAdam 1996). Do anarchists benefit from or utilize such opportunities that are either available from or interact with the state or elites? Although anarchists, almost by definition, are not interested in affecting state reform, they may <i>indirectly</i> benefit from state action. For example, a decrease in repression allows for overt anarchist organizing. On the other hand, increased state repression may have also encouraged anarchism by providing groups with the motivation to resist domination. Conversely, a nascent anarchist movement may be crushed by state persecution. This suggests a complex relationship between state action and the growth or decline of anarchism. In addition, increased accessibility to political participation in general can allow anarchists to ride the coattails of other movements; thus, during elections, anarchists can point out limitations in representative democracy and the indirectness of voting. Cleavages within ruling elites—although often making one faction look “better”, nicer, or electable—can create a weakened or unstable power structure that is more susceptible to attack and overthrow.<br /><br /><br />There is evidence of a connection between anarchists and these traditional POs. Williams and Lee (2008) demonstrated a positive and statistically significant relationship between the concentration of anarchist organizations per country listed in the Anarchist Yellow Pages (AYP) directory and various forms of rights and access, including civil liberties, political rights, press rights, and the level of democracy. Yet, rather than being a direct relationship, this positive association is likely mediated through other phenomena. Anarchists do not utilize political rights in a conventional activist fashion by lobbying the government or electing favorable candidates, although they likely do benefit from press rights and other civil liberties. But the correlative relationship makes more sense as a general measure of tolerance to the challenge of formal authority in a country; the greater the tolerance of dissent, the more likely a state’s strongest critics (e.g. anarchists) will overtly organize in public. Anarchist organizations are likely more willing to list themselves in the AYP—and to be “above-ground” generally—when they believe the risk level is acceptable. In this respect, the anarchist organizations listed in the AYP may be the result of a selection effect and the impact of political opportunities on the underground or clandestine anarchist movement remains unknown.<br /><br /><br />Even if anarchists <i>do</i> benefit from some “standard” PO’s—albeit indirectly—a number of empirical and theoretical issues prevent us from drawing any concrete conclusions about the appropriateness of a traditional PO view for the anarchist movement. First, Shantz (2003b) argued that social movement research has tended to focus on reform movements and has shied away from analysis of radical movements (such as anarchism) that seek to transform the entire foundation of social relations—especially those whose goals do not include the seizure of the state itself. In such a research milieu, it is a mistake to assume that “political opportunities” crafted to explain movements with moderate goals (e.g. policy advocacy) can adequately address the objectives of radical movements. Even radical movements like Marxism may be measured using conventional research, as the intended outcomes are clearly-articulated and are assumed to be linear. Marxism represents a mere adaptation to reform movements, as it aspires to a similar ascension to power as do other movements. But a movement such as anarchism, premised upon deliberate practices that reflect “the means are the ends” and a diffusion of power, cannot be analyzed as easily or rigidly. Thus, anarchist movements are vastly understudied and the theories available to scholars are likely to need some revision and some may not be applicable.<br /><br /><br />Second, PO theory generally takes for granted the assumption that the state is the target of protest. Yet, in actuality, Van Dyke et al. found that many movements <i>do not</i> just target the state. Only slightly over half of the targets in 4,654 protest events from 1968 to 1975 in the US were state targets; the remaining protests were aimed at educational institutions, “the public”, business, individuals, cultural and religious organizations, unions, and medical institutions. In fact, the government was targeted less than 50 percent of the time by the civil rights, gay and lesbian, and women’s movements (Van Dyke et al. 2004). More generally, Melucci (1996) notes that social movements of all stripes in the contemporary era, “no longer [coincide] either with the traditional forms of organization of solidarity or with the conventional channels of political representation”. He suggests moving beyond simple dichotomies such as “state” versus “civil society,” or “public” versus “private”, as well as the “reductionism” inherent in exclusively “political” analyses, in order to more fully comprehend the interrelationships among different sectors of society (pp. 3-6). Although anarchists have most notoriously and famously targeted the state, anarchism’s broad critique of authority and domination is not limited to political actors. Anarchism’s critique is not mere protest, but radical opposition to the <i>very existence</i> of hierarchical institutions. Thus, the movement does not simply target the state, but also many other hierarchical institutions, ranging from White supremacy and patriarchy to capitalism and militarism.<br /><br /><br />Third, although activists’ agency to exploit opportunities is implicit in PO theory, anarchists themselves do not try to actively use many of these opportunities. If open windows of opportunity are not actively exploited, do they really constitute “opportunities” for anarchists? For example, unlike other movements, anarchists do not engage in standard political activity: they are not apt to engage in letter-writing campaigns against politicians, to vote for (or against) certain candidates, or even to run for office themselves. Anarchists (obviously) do not try to lobby the state or pressure for constitutional amendments that would lead to the elimination of a constitution. Could anarchists actually “utilize” progressive politicians who claim to oppose policies and practices that anarchists also do? Ostensibly, such politicians would be <i>elite</i> allies; the presence of such “allies” would not seem to ultimately benefit the anarchist movement if it is opposed to negotiating or working with these allies. In fact, a central principle to anarchism is “direct action”, where one does not request or wait for others to act on their behalf. Instead of relying on representatives, one acts directly—either individually or collectively—to immediately accomplish the desired goal, without the facilitation, approval, or agency of elected elites, officials, or bosses.<br /><br /><br />Fourth, commonly-studied POs might actually be <i>detrimental</i> to anarchist organizing and activism, as opposed to being helpful. Increased access to elites, political space, or participation might direct activists and the public towards reformism and electoral politics, not radicalism. Rifts between elites (like Democrats and Republicans, or politicians and capitalists) might appear to undermine the anarchist claim that “all elites are similar and serve the same end”—and thus maybe do not need to be overthrown. Thus, POs could either channel rebellious energy for radical change into reformist, institutional mechanisms or undercut any popular impression that radical change is necessary. Consequently, anarchist movement activity appears paradoxical within the PO framework.<br /><br /><br />On a strictly theoretical level, there is much to criticize in the standard view of POs. Of central importance is the assumption—and perhaps leap of faith—regarding the ultimate goal of social movements. As witnessed by McAdam’s (1996) overview of the literature, many scholars have tended to assume and effectively operationalize “political opportunities” as “state opportunities” useful to influence state-based policy making. As such, movements benefit from actions and conditions in which the state is the key adversary or target. Yet, this logic conflates “political” with “state” (and, more narrowly, with elections and politicians), which is the common interpretation of “politics”, generally. Anarchists strongly criticize limiting “politics” to the domain of state officials, elected or otherwise. Instead, anarchism argues that politics is the realm of public decision making and debate, of which the state is only one component, albeit the dominant one. It is entirely possible to engage in “politics” without the reliance upon the state.[1] Also, to entrust the state with the ability to serve as final arbitrator for what constitutes human rights (or any other right), is to restrict the universality of such rights. Anarchists argue that rights are not guaranteed by the state, but by birth (Turner 2009). In this view, to rely upon the state to approve of and administer human rights is to reify the state as an essential institution for people’s everyday lives. However, many states actively attempt to restrict rights and succeed because states tend to be viewed by many citizens as the proper authority for the distribution of rights in a society.<br /><br /><br />Critics of PO theory have also alleged that to view characteristics like access, allies, and declining repression as part of an opportunity <i>structure</i> implies that such things are not opportunities that can come and go, but instead are quasi-permanent elements of a polity (Goodwin & Jasper 1999). Properly construed, opportunities ought to be temporal and impermanent. Opportunities should open—like windows—for a certain time, and then close, cutting off movement chances. However, certain kinds of political opportunities are permanently closed to anarchists, because of the anti-statist nature of the movement.<br /><br /><br />Additionally, “opportunities” are often measurable only in retrospect; movement actors may not actually perceive legitimate opportunities even if there is empirical evidence for them. What may be considered opportunities by social movement scholars, may have little meaning for activists. Instead, movement participants tend to continuously act for social change, regardless of whether recognizable opportunities exist—even in times of extreme repression with few political allies to be found. For example, Kurzman’s (1996) analysis of the Iranian Revolution shows that Iranians <i>perceived</i> great opportunities when, in actuality, the monarchy was very stable. Revolutionaries in Iran acted as if opportunities objectively existed and created a self-fulfilling prophecy for themselves and their followers.<br /><br /><br />This distinction between objective and subjective opportunities is particularly important for the anarchist movement. Most movements tend to have occasional victories with concrete, definable successes, while anarchism has rarely had victories and none that have lasted for any substantial length of time. Consequently, discussing useful objective opportunities for the anarchist movement is challenging because it is unclear which “opportunities” have or have not led to the few, short-lived anarchist rebellions. A more useful approach, and the one we develop in this paper, may be to consider anarchist mobilization <i>through the eyes of anarchists themselves</i> and their subjective understanding of useful opportunities. Since it is difficult to say with any certainty that a particular “opportunity” did objectively and sufficiently cause a particular outcome, we argue it is often more appropriate to consider what movement actors themselves conclude.<br /><br /><br />Most research that considers cross-national differences of protest tends to analyze the differences between countries (Kitschelt 1986), and does not look for commonalities across countries’ movements, particularly how they share common narratives that are not specific to their own society. These “common opportunities” are of major importance to internationalist-oriented movements. For example, della Porta (2008) noted the benefit that unemployed movements in <i>all</i> six of her case study countries (all European) received from labor unions and positive popular opinion. An internationalist movement like anarchism seems an ideal candidate to use such border-crossing common opportunities, particularly as it relates to resisting the “dominant logic” (Mulucci 1996:7) of all hierarchically organized societies, regardless of whether they constructed on capitalist, socialist, or some other economic foundation.<br /><br /><br />Regardless of an opportunity’s universality, what do movements try to achieve? Meyer’s overview of political opportunity research noted half a dozen different forms of movement outcomes, including policy changes, changes in the level of appropriations for established government programs, policy implementations, running candidates for office, creating alternative institutions, and changing actual practices (Meyer 2004). Creating alternative institutions comes closest to an actual anarchist goal, but the example of this outcome is Andrews’ (2002) study of private segregationist schools in the US South that helped to subvert school integration for White and Black students—far from an anarchist objective. The applicability of these outcomes for anarchist movements is questionable. None of these movement outcomes includes the elimination of various hierarchical institutions, a central premise of anarchism. Even “protest”, in which anarchists are involved, is usually narrowly defined as attendance at protest events and precludes the idea of <i>resistance</i> or <i>rebellion</i>.[2] For these reasons, we can see some clear weaknesses to the assumptions implicit in the PO framework, at least as it has been conceived in the existing literature.<br /><br /><br />Despite the apparent shortcomings of PO theory, a major empirical question remains: are there political opportunities that benefit the anarchist movement? We argue that anarchist movement activity has coincided with actual and perceived periods of greater freedoms, and, in times of state repression, anarchist organizing may go underground or disappear altogether. But, we can also broaden the contextual factors that foster movement activity to include cultural and economic opportunities. Although Goodwin and Jasper (1999) warn against watering down the operationalization of political opportunities to the point where <i>anything</i> constitutes such an opportunity, the anarchist movement suggests a unique exception to the rule. Since the anarchist movement has a strong <i>non-interest</i> in greater political access (of the stereotypical, state-based variety), it is prudent to expand the concept of opportunities to other forms, including those that are cultural and economic in character and to inquire about the extent to which cultural, economic, and traditionally “political” opportunities have shaped the movement in different contexts. These realms are potentially of equal importance to anarchists based on their opposition to all forms of social domination that are perpetuated in a variety of social, economic, and political domains (such as racial, gender, and sexuality-based oppression) and to capitalism. Given this widened spectrum of investigation, what are some possible factors that have aided in the mobilization of current anarchist movements.<br /><br /><br /><br /><b>Notes </b><br />
[1] Communes and popular assemblies are frequently cited examples of this understanding of politics (McKay 2008).<br /><br />
[2] See Martin for the anarchist principles behind the anti-globalization movement's resistance and alternatives-creation (Martin 2007).<br />
<br />
<br />
<b>References</b><br />
<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }
-->
</style>
<br />
Andrews, Kenneth T. 2002. “Movement-Countermovement Dynamics and the Emergence of New Institutions: The Case of “White Flight” Schools in Mississippi”. <i>Social Forces</i>, 80 (3): 911-936. <br /><br /> della Porta, Donatella. 2008. “Protest on Unemployment: Forms and Opportunities”. <i>Mobilization: An International Journal</i>, 13 (3): 277-295. <br /><br /> Goodwin, Jeff and James M. Jasper. 1999. “Caught in a Winding, Snarling Vine: The Structural Bias of Political Process Theory”. <i>Sociological Forum</i>, 14 (1): 27-54. <br /><br /> Kurzman, Charles. 1996. “Structural Opportunity and Perceived Opportunity in Social-Movement Theory: The Iranian Revolution of 1979”. <i>American Sociological Review</i>, 61, February: 153-170. <br /><br /> Martin, Carolina. 2007. “Creating Another World, One Bit At a Time: Understanding Anti-Globalization Resistance”. Conference presentation at the American Sociological Association Annual Meetings, New York. <br /><br /> McAdam, Doug. 1996. “Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions”. Pp. 23-40 in <i>Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings</i>, edited by D. McAdam, J. D. McCarthy, and M. N. Zald. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <br /><br /> McKay, Iain. 2008. <i>An Anarchist FAQ: Volume 1</i>. Edinburgh: AK Press. <br /><br /> Melucci, Alberto. 1996. <i>Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age</i>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <br /><br /> Meyer, David S. 2004. “Protest and Political Opportunities”. <i>Annual Review of Sociology</i>, 30: 125-145. <br /><br /> Shantz, Jeff. 2003b. “Beyond the State: The Return to Anarchy”. <i>disClosure: A Journal of Social Theory</i>, 12: 87-103. <br /><br /> Turner, Scott. 2009. “Anarchist Theory and Human Rights”. Pp. 133-146 in <i>New Perspectives on Anarchism</i>, edited by N.J. Jun and S. Wahl. Lanham, MD: Lexington. <br /><br /> Van Dyke, Nella, Sarah A. Soule, and Verta A. Taylor. 2004. “The Targets of Social Movements: Beyond a Focus on the State”. <i>Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change</i>, 25: 27-51. <br /><br /> Williams, Dana M. and Matthew T. Lee. 2008. “'We Are Everywhere': An Ecological Analysis of Organizations in the Anarchist Yellow Pages”. <i>Humanity & Society</i>, 32, February: 45-70. <br /><br /> Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-86499286017419550802012-08-29T07:54:00.001-07:002012-08-29T07:55:02.523-07:00Considering Anarchist "Political Opportunities" and Anarchism's Relationship to the State<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }
-->
</style>
<br />
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Routine
social movement behaviors that petition, protest, or lobby
governments to change or adopt certain laws or policies are familiar
to most in modern societies. However, these now-regular patterns of
movement-state interaction are premised on the assumption that
movements want something from the state that states are able to give.
Presumably, radical movements—anarchism being the exemplary
movement we choose to focus upon in this study—have no interest in
anything that states are willing to offer, nor do such movements
attempt to convince states to quit and dissolve themselves through
targeted lobbying efforts. What does movement activity and protest
mean for such movements, under these conditions? This article answers
this question from a political opportunity perspective using the case
histories of country-level anarchist movement activity.</span><br />
</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">As
a political tradition, anarchism dates back to the mid-nineteenth
century. Influenced by the most radical currents of the
Enlightenment, anarchism emerged as a revolt against the solidifying
nation-state, early capitalism, and still-present influence of
religious authority. Anarchists not only critiqued the centralizing
and bureaucratic qualities of these institutions, but advocated the
creation of horizontal, egalitarian, and cooperative institutions in
their place. Even though “anarchism” literally refers to “without
rule” (Gordon 2006)—and thus an opposition to all forms of
domination and control by others—it has historically been
summarized as simply opposition to the state (Ehrlich 1996, Joll
1964, Ward 1996). Herein, we understand anarchism’s antagonism
toward authority in the sense meaningful to anarchist movements,
rather than the limited, popular understanding: as a broad challenge
to all forms of domination, not just that of the state.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Anarchists
have never been able to rid society of the state, although not for
lack of trying. Anarchism, as a radical ideology, appears to possess
a near child-like naivety towards the possibility of social change.
Accordingly, resistance and change are not only possible in the
darkest moments of human history, but are also potentially present in
everyday life. Anarchists tend to advocate seizing the opportunities
within these moments and helping to encourage others toward a more
liberatory future. Thus, while acknowledging the power, influence,
and limitations of existing political and social structures,
anarchists also implicitly emphasize the capacity for human agency.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Politically,
the anarchist movement argues that opportunities always exist to
resist the present social order and to create a new world.
Consequently, “Revolution now!” would be an applicable anarchist
slogan. Anarchism differentiates itself from other revolutionary
ideologies such as Marxism by rejecting any delay in revolution.
Waiting for “the people” to be ready or to trust that the state
will “wither away” eventually are not seen as appropriate excuses
by anarchists for inaction. In fact, state participation in the
pursuit of revolution is inherently problematic. For example, the
Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin wrote: “No state, however
democratic—not even the reddest republic—can ever give the people
what they really want, i.e., the free self-organization and
administration of their own affairs from the bottom upward, without
any interference or violence from above” (Dolgoff 1971, p. 338).</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Strategy
in the anarchist movement is radical and multi-faceted. Anarchism
focuses on the web of relationships between not only individuals and
society, but also amongst major institutions, such as the state,
capitalism, military, patriarchy, White supremacy, and heterosexism.
Within each relationship, people may act to create a society less
encumbered by hierarchy, domination, and authority. Thus,
opportunities always exist to create egalitarian, horizontal, and
cooperative relationships. This article investigates the anarchist
movement within these spaces and moments, both past and present. Yet,
some opportunities have been more conducive to the anarchist movement
and some of these moments have been more fruitfully exploited.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">This
article addresses the following interrelated questions. Can the
theory of political opportunities (as summarized by McAdam 1996) be
used—or at least re-packaged—to understand the anarchist
movement? We focus on a half-dozen country case studies to better
understand the varied experiences of mobilization and decline for
anarchist movements throughout the world, seen through the lens of a
modified political opportunity theory. What major opportunities has
anarchism recently seized upon (and sometimes unintentionally
benefited from) to expand its ranks and advance its goals? Our
analysis of the narratives of anarchists discovers a variety of
country-specific and global opportunities that assisted in the growth
and decline of movements. In particular, an authoritarian or partisan
Left’s success reduced anarchist opportunities, while supportive
non-anarchist milieus—such as the labor and punk movements—served
as fruitful grounds for inspiration, personnel recruitment, and
accelerated anarchist movement mobilization. Curiously, anarchist
narratives viewed increased state repression as having divergent
effects on different country’s movements.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br />
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><b>References </b></span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Dolgoff,
Sam. 1971. <i>Bakunin on Anarchy: Selected Works by the Activist-Founder
of World Anarchism</i>. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Ehrlich,
Howard J. 1996. <i>Reinventing Anarchy, Again</i>. Edinburgh: AK Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Gordon,
Uri. 2006. “Research Note: Avαρχία -- What Did the Greeks
Actually Say?”. <i>Anarchist Studies</i>, 14 (1): 84-91.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Joll,
James. 1964. <i>The Anarchists</i>. Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">McAdam,
Doug. 1996. “Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future
Directions”. Pp. 23-40 in <i>Comparative Perspectives on Social
Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and
Cultural Framings</i>, edited by D. McAdam, J. D. McCarthy, and M. N.
Zald. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;">Ward,
Colin. 1996. <i>Anarchy in Action</i>. London: Freedom Press.</span></div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-11166954104386084702012-07-30T19:11:00.002-07:002012-07-30T19:11:40.888-07:00Bourdieu on anarchists and Mills on being a Wobbly<span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;">Pierre Bourdieu: "In
the arguments which I develop, it seems to me that the anarchist
tradition has a role to play. I consider that all who are inspired by
anarchist thought, or who are close to that way of thinking, are
precisely the sort of people I want to reach. Alongside others,
anarchists seem to me to be particularly suitable to enter into the
new international political movement which is being organized."</span><br />
<style type="text/css">
<!--
@page { margin: 0.79in }
TD P { margin-bottom: 0in; color: #000000; widows: 0; orphans: 0 }
TD P.western { font-family: "Liberation Serif", "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; so-language: en-US }
TD P.cjk { font-family: "DejaVu Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; so-language: zh-CN }
TD P.ctl { font-family: "DejaVu Sans", sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; so-language: hi-IN }
P { margin-bottom: 0.08in }
-->
</style><br />
<div class="western" lang="en-US">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;">C. Wright Mills: </span>"<span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;">Over
the last several years I have become quite aware of a certain mixture
of personal and political and professional factors which have come
together to determine such intellectual roles as I play, and even
such intellectual and moral work as I have done and am doing. All
these factors, to put it briefly, have constructed in me the ethos of
the Wobbly. You’ve asked me, “What might you be?” Now I answer
you: “I am a Wobbly.” I mean this spiritually and politically. In
saying this I refer less to political orientation than to political
ethos, and I take Wobbly to mean one thing: the opposite of
bureaucrat. (I want to tell you this in order that you may understand
my own values as fully as possible and hence be able to better
control your understanding of my letters to you.) I am a Wobbly,
personally, down deep, and for good. I am outside the whale, and I
got that way through social isolation and self-help. But do you know
what a Wobbly is? It’s a kind of spiritual condition. Don’t be
afraid of the word, Tovarich. A Wobbly is not only a man who takes
orders from himself. He’s also a man who’s often in the situation
where there are no regulations to fall back upon that he hasn’t
made up himself. He doesn’t like bosses— capitalistic or
communistic— they are all the same to him. He wants to be, and he
wants everyone else to be, his own boss at all times under all
conditions and for any purposes they may want to follow up. This kind
of spiritual condition, and only this, is Wobbly freedom."</span></div>
<div class="western" lang="en-US">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman,serif;"> </span></div>Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-72594061946942068752012-07-18T14:39:00.000-07:002012-07-18T14:39:37.532-07:00What Human Nature Isn't<i>(From September 2003)</i> <br />
<br />
Actually this title is deceptive. There's a lot of
things that “human nature” isn't, but there's a
lot that it is, too. That's my point: human nature is a
subjective thing that someone applies to selective human
behaviors for their own reasons. Human beings are so
complex, diverse, and creative that monolithic
explanations are very tough to swallow.<br />
<br />
Many believe
that personalities and social characteristics are
determined by a unique mix of “nature” and
“nurture”. That is, that someone's genetic
makeup is combined with their child raising and
socialization experiences. Still, that is only half of an
explanation. People can self-correct their behavior and
tendencies in life, many times over. Men can stop
cheating on their wives, bullies can stop picking on the
weak, the obese can reformulate better eating and
exercise patterns, and so on.<br />
<br />
According to the political lie that is “human
nature” (i.e. claims made to serve a political or
ideological purpose) there are many cynical ways of
viewing our behaviors: humans need strong leaders to
guide them through life, children need to be strongly
disciplined when growing up, people will always be at
odds with people who are different than them, people are
selfish and will steal from others if they can't earn
something themselves, etc.<br />
<br />
Of course, many of these “truths” can be
easily refuted. Do the strong parents of families deprive
their children of food? We view it as distinctly
dysfunctional when parents deprive their children, not as
“human nature”. When your friends get together,
is there a boss who orders people to get food, drinks, a
video, respectively? Such people would not retain
friends, obviously, and humans easily self-organize
themselves to share their resources for collective
benefit.<br />
<br />
Many would agree that, yes, the bonds of family and
friends have a strong tendency towards compassionate
relationships. But, what of the average stranger on the
street? Scholars have pointed out repeatedly that the
chances of being killed by a serial killer are so
minuscule as to warrant nearly no consideration. The same
goes for stranger rape and kidnappings. Think of sporting
events or other large public gatherings like parties or
clubs: how much violence occurs here, although you have
diverse and otherwise (presumably) hostile people? When
violence breaks out, it is viewed as an anomaly; most do
not appreciate their leisure and free time being marred
by such things.<br />
<br />
Do people normally cut in lines with disregard for
others waiting?<br />
<br />
Instead, consider the chances that someone would stop
to help someone with a flat tire or in a car accident. Or
how people hold doors open for complete strangers. Or how
frequently hitchhikers can get rides to go where they
need to. Most people take as fact that humans have a
right to food, shelter, and clothing, and will act
accordingly by donating money, clothing, or food, and
will openly praise those who work in such service
capacities.<br />
<br />
That said, there are many problems that humans have,
including many Americans: apathy, indifference,
self-centeredness, aggressiveness, brusqueness, and so
forth. But, does this mean that even people who fit this
description will always behave in such ways? Perhaps
these problems are pathologies derived from our
dog-eat-dog economic system or our disconnected form of
government?<br />
<br />
There are many times that such cynical people can
break out of their socialized behaviors and act with
compassion, mutual aid, solidarity, good will, honesty,
and justice. In blizzards people routinely pull over to
help those who go off the road in their cars. They offer
their warm cars and cell phones to help others out. In
flood situations, communities pull together putting in
long days to sandbag dikes to protect houses and
buildings from intruding water levels, with no thought of
reimbursement or self-gain-- and easily self-organize
themselves to get the job done. In massive power outages
or after the attacks upon the World Trade Center and
Pentagon in 2001 people pull together and take care of
each other. They are kinder, more patient and respectful,
talk to those who need consoling and a friendly ear, and
give generously of themselves to help out their fellow
humans.<br />
<br />
In the case of natural (and unnatural) disasters such
as these, the best potential of humans can be seen. Thus,
we can have hope that “normal” behavior of a
self-destructive kind is in fact the “deviant”
variety, that destroys the collective human spirit, and
causes paranoia, greed, megalomania, jingoism, and
violence. To do so, we must pull out the roots of racism,
sexism, homophobia, xenophobia, and overcome the push to
worship economic, political, and cultural authorities and
“leaders”.<br />
<br />
Humans are infinitely creative and resilient. We can
conquer our darker side if we only make the effort to do
so. In the process we will be confronted with systemic
forces that create resistance. We must have the
determination and vision to see past these obstacles.
Remember that wars are created by humans and wars can be
stopped by humans. We hold the power to change our lives,
and in doing so to even change our world.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-27688862908024415302012-06-25T05:38:00.000-07:002012-06-25T05:38:20.549-07:00Jesus Made Me Do It![Written in 2004 during a particularly inspired moment of repulsion.]<br />
<br />
Somewhere between the benign “what would
Jesus do?” (WWJD?) crowd and goose-stepping
fascists, are those who call themselves the “religious
Right”... as if there were anything “right”
about it, except its political orientation. These folks
seem to think that the laws of religion are as flexible
as the laws of gravity are to Jackie Chan movies or
“The Matrix”. They utilize all sorts of
religious passages, sayings, psalms, and teachings to
suit their own individualistic (and sick, in my opinion)
purposes.<br />
<br />
For example, a former adviser to “President”
Bush was on the radio tonight speaking about her “faith”.
She responded to a question asking whether it was okay
for the “President” to constantly invoke “God”
and his faith in public speeches, even though many are
not religious, while others are not Christian (the radio
host didn't bother adding that even some Christians could
do without a clown like Bush mouthing off). She stated
that “our faith” (as in, her and the “President”)
helps to put the country at ease during these “hard
times”, and that it's good for Bush to talk about
being humble, forgiving, and turning the other cheek (I
know, I know!! I'm not making this up!!)<br />
<br />
The religious Right selectively uses this rhetoric
when it's convenient. For instance, it's all fine and
dandy for Bush to preach forgiveness towards his errors,
but there's only fire-and-brimstone for the millions of
innocent Afghanis that he wrecked his flimsy will upon
during that country's bombardment. Turning the other
cheek? Hah, that's what Bush demanded <i>of</i> Afghanistan:
turn your head so we can smack the other side now, too!<br />
<br />
Far be it from me to lecture Bush on Christ, someone
who (if the Bible is accurate) was undoubtedly a radical
who was murdered by the State for his charismatic ability
to lead a social movement against the Roman Empire (and
corrupt Jewish tribal leaders). Surely Bush is aware that
Christ would have resisted any aggressive despot that
invades other countries, and that “turning the cheek”
is not just convenient rhetoric to toss about to persuade
others of your humanity.<br />
<br />
The furor caused by “The Passion of the Christ”,
the movie by Mel Gibson, only illustrates the rabidity of
the religious Right to latch onto whatever medium and
means it can to further pervert Christianity. Sure,
“the passion” is only the last day of Jesus's
life, a day allegedly filled with unspeakable brutality.
But, why must one stomach long minutes of such torture on
the silver screen? Aren't there more important messages
to draw from the legacy of Christ? It's almost as if
Gibson and the Right wants to martyr Jesus not in order
to obtain a higher plane of morality, but to justify
retribution for their savior's untimely demise.<br />
<br />
In fact, the only “Jesus Freaks” who I can
bear, are the Catholic Workers, who may or may not take
offense to such characterization. But, I mean it in the
most loving way: here are people who have taken the
actual meaning of Jesus to heart, and live it day and day
out. They live in poverty, sharing their homes and lives
with the least fortunate of society. They speak out
against violence, injustice, poverty, apathy, and moral
self-righteousness. Nothing has infused me with a renewed
sense of hope for the future of Christianity than hearing
about Workers chastising their Bishop for not taking a
stronger stance against the US war on Iraq, who instead
hid behind the Church's “just war theory”.<br />
<br />
Unlike Bush's adviser and Bush himself, the Workers do
not feel themselves above literal meanings. As the Bible
notes, the hypocrite is one who does not apply to
him/herself standards that they demand of others. Thus if
one act of violence against innocents is wrong, than all
other acts of violence against the innocent is also
wrong. Of course this makes perfect sense, but the Bush
Mob and the Right realizes that organized religion, like
all other tools of control, may be wielded over others
only if the rules don't apply to them. Otherwise they
couldn't justify even owning a military or police or
prisons, let alone use them to bomb, invade, arrest, or
incarcerate millions!<br />
<br />
Whenever I hear Bush say “god bless you”
after a speech, my mind visualizes his nose growing like
Pinocchio. I imagine him crossing his fingers under the
podium. I think of his inner-dialogue saying: “haha,
suckers!!”. His language is a tool of control just
as his “faith” is a self-delusion. Anyone can
realize that playing favorites, especially with a jerk
like Bush, is not in any god's best interest.<br />
<br />
Further, why would a god (at least a kind and just
one) advocate the assassination of doctors, the execution
of the poor on death row (when was the last time a rich
man was executed?), invasions and crusades, censorship,
patriarchy and sexism, slavery, compulsory and
officialized religion and prayer, or the consolidation of
political and economic power? Why does the Right demand
that “intelligent design” (code for “creationism”)
be taught in secular schools? Why does the Right root and
cheer for Israel's crimes against the Palestinian people,
while simultaneously adhering to grotesque antisemitism?
Why does the Right cry bloody murder when people protest
clearly religious symbols and endorsements like the Ten
Commandments in courthouses and “In God We Trust”
on our money and Pledge of Allegiance? Why does the Right
advocate “celibacy” while it is clear that such
teaching does not work? Why does the Right condemn women
for choosing to have children or not, but then say “too
bad for you” when children are born into poverty?<br />
<br />
The same forked-tongue is everywhere-- Jesus told me
to do this: “He told me to bomb this or that
country! He told me to kill that abortion doctor! He told
me to molest those parishioners! He told me to keep my
wife in her place! Blah blah blah!”<br />
<br />
Then, they turn around, as Mumia Abu-Jamal notes, in
the US's celebration of “MLK Day”: “Imagine
the most violent nation on earth, the heir of Indian and
African genocide, the only nation ever to drop an atomic
bomb on a civilian population, the world's biggest arms
dealer, the country that napaled over ten million people
in Vietnam (to “save” it from communism), the
world's biggest jailer, waving the corpse of King,
calling for nonviolence!” Talk is cheap, when it
dribbles out of the mouths of powerful elites.<br />
<br />
Let's recognize this for what it is: hypocrisy.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-60058385030732518592012-05-22T10:21:00.001-07:002012-05-22T10:25:15.336-07:00The Anarchist DNA of Occupy<i>I was invited to contribute to the discussion on the #Occupy movement, from an anarchist perspective for the American Sociological Association journal,</i> <a href="http://contexts.org/">Contexts</a><i>. The short essay appears in <a href="http://contexts.org/articles/dev/spring-2012/understanding-occupy/#williams">the Spring 2012 issue</a> Other contributors to the #Occupy discussion include Ruth Milkman, Benjamin Barber, <a href="http://anarchyandsociety.blogspot.com/2012/04/review-of-mohammed-bamyehs-anarchy-as.html">Mohammed Bamyeh</a>, William Julius Wilson, and Deborah Gould.</i><br />
<br />
Occupy has drawn inspiration from many of 2011’s insurrectionary episodes, including Egypt’s Tahrir Square, Spain’s indignatos, and Puerto Rico’s student strikes. Also important has been Latin America’s horizontalism and zapatismo. But, the most immediate inspiration for Occupy is anarchism. This should surprise only the oblivious: many activists have noticed that American youth are influenced by anarchism more than by Marxism. The first manifestation of this influence is the emphasis upon anti-authoritarianism. There are no leaders (or, more radically, everyone is a leader). Anti-authoritarianism gives Occupy a strength and resilience not enjoyed by most movements. Like a multi-headed hydra, when Occupy’s enemies attempt to chop-off one head — arrest a certain individual — others take their place. No one is in a position to order anyone else around — everyone must participate in all decisions. Corporate media simply can’t understand this paradigm and it’s frustrated by Occupy’s disavowal of spokespersons.<br />
<br />
Occupy’s next debt to anarchism is a procedural structure and aesthetic. For OWS, direct, participatory democracy is the order of the day. Lacking official leaders, consensus-building is the only feasible option. Every General Assembly (GA) attendee must be able to accept a decision. The task is assisted by multiple working-groups that meet regularly to discuss nitty-gritty issues. Facilitation guarantees that everyone’s voice is heard, and hand-gestures visually involve everyone. These techniques have popped-up in countless post-1960s anarchist projects. The results of this process can be seen in leaflets circulated at Occupy Oakland, characterizing several of the GA decisions as anarchistic in character: rejection of government endorsements and political parties, equal treatment of GA speakers, preventing police from entering the encampment, and solidarity with striking workers and students.<br />
<br />
The movement’s militancy derives from its name. In contrast to other movements, Occupy attempts to reclaim public space, to confront others with its presence, and to stay in the news. Its impatience with polite lobbying or voting has an anarchist flair. Historically, anarchists have encouraged citizens to seize (and decentralize) political power, peasants to occupy private estates and collectivize them, and workers to take over the means of production. Occupy plays with anarchist notions of expropriation and seizing ill-gotten property for individual and collective needs.<br />
<br />
How does Occupy aim to accomplish such goals? Anarchists participating in the movement seek to keep it radical, pragmatic, and uncontrollable by authorities. Occupy Wall Street’s active militancy ensures this: daily protest marches and actions attempt to create constant disruption of business-as-usual, while remaining unpredictable. The movement’s prefiguration attempts to (as advocated by the Industrial Workers of the World) create a new world in the shell of the old. Occupiers provide for all their own needs. Instead of entrusting one’s life and daily requirements to corporations or the state, people do it themselves: creating sleeping arrangements, free meals, classes and workshops, a multi-thousand volume library, sanitation, first aid, and security. In this respect, the Occupy movement is utopian and practical — a better world can be created, not in the distant future, but right now.<br />
<br />
Occupy has already enjoyed many victories, convincing countless people of the potential for radical social change. The mass media is now running stories on capitalism, social inequality, and direct democracy. Someone ought to thank Occupy for accomplishing in a few short months what sociologists have been unable to achieve over decades.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-53398663835991112392012-05-13T10:49:00.000-07:002012-05-13T10:49:00.423-07:00Activist Burn-Out<i>(an essay from about eight years ago)</i> <br />
<br />
The question of counteracting activist burnout is
always on my mind and I've struggled with it for many
years and assume I'll continue to struggle with it. Here
are a few thoughts about what we can do about it.<br />
<br />
If
you view (as I do) activism as organizing outside of the
institutional system of politics, the cards are already
stacked against us, because we are challenging that
system. Therefore there is more resistance within the
system and by other citizens who are socialized to not
see problems.<br />
<br />
We sometimes get so focused on the need for political
change that we neglect other important things (both to
social movements and ourselves), such as the social
aspect. Having more potlucks, picnics, bowling and
dancing parties, movie nights, bar-hopping, etc. can help
solidify relationships between activists and help let-off
steam. It's much better to fight for a better future with
friends you like, admire, and respect than with
strangers.<br />
<br />
Middle-class privilege (which I grew up with) seems to
suggest to us (especially for those of us who are also White men)
that if we just try hard enough we can accomplish
anything. Thus, we misunderstand the reality that change
is VERY HARD and a lifetime struggle sometimes. If you
talk to African-American organizers they have a very
long-term vision, because they know the going isn't
always easy. Having the patience to do things right and
to realize that the world ain't gonna change just because
we try real hard can help us to pace our expectations.<br />
<br />
We go through basic life changes. This is especially
true for college activists, who have the “free time”
(I use this term with much reluctance) to be active, yet
once they graduate, a full-time job and other obligations
gets in the way. For those who get married and/or start
families, obligations and commitments grow even more. We
can try to make our events family/child friendly in order
to encourage participation from those in their 30s and
40s.<br />
<br />
Mass media makes every effort it can to denigrate
political activism that doesn't fit with the ideology of
its editors, producers, and owners. Don't believe me?
Read anything by Ben Bagdikian, Norman Solomon, Robert
McChesney, or Noam Chomsky and Ed Herman's “Manufacturing
Consent”. Mass media makes protesters look stupid,
ill-informed, childish, worthless, ineffective, and
counterproductive. Whenever there is a clash between
demonstrators and police, media focuses (90% of the time)
upon that clash instead of the reasons that caused the
protest, and almost always slants the story to provoke
sympathy for the police instead of the demonstrators
(which invariably is almost always backwards). One
possible solution: Become the media!<br />
<br />
Sad as it is to admit it, some activists are
megalomaniacs, and, although they feign to be
egalitarian, they are dictators at heart. This is a very
small minority, of course, but these attention-grabbers
ruin it for everyone else. These people have to get put
in check. If that can't be democratic, get lots of people
together to call them on their crap.<br />
<br />
This problem is compounded by how some organizations
operate in very undemocratic ways, that are disempowering
to those who wish to be involved. Instead of using
consensus decision making, the group votes between two
marginal options that most members had little role in
formulating or discussing. This reason alone causes many
people to drop out entirely because they don't think
their opinions are valued by the group. If we're
activists who are serious about the causes we struggle
for, we should also be serious about the means we use
towards that struggle. This also means fighting sexual
and racial marginalization in groups. White men (like me)
need to shut the fuck up, and listen to women and people
of color more often....<br />
<br />
.... just like I'm going to do now.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-11723574236870342072012-05-03T22:52:00.001-07:002012-05-04T13:14:17.913-07:00Electoral Action Ain't Democracy<i>[Another oldie-but-goody from 2003 that I like to re-read every American election year (or as Chaz Bufe called it, "hell").]</i><br />
<br />
It should be a given that voting isn't the be-all and
end-all of democracy. If people think that walking into a
little booth once every year (or every four years) and
poking a few holes in some pieces of paper is the
pinnacle of modern democracy, they are selling
themselves-- and the idea of democracy-- short.<br />
<br />
There
are many avenues for people to act politically, many of
which can be conducive to the practice of democracy.
People can join block clubs, PTAs (Parent-Teacher
Associations), social and economic justice organizations.
They can contribute financially to organizations that
encourage public participation-- League of Women Voters,
NAACP, American Friends Service Committee, United Way,
etc.-- or they can volunteer their time toward that end.
They can directly lobby politicians, protest against or
for policy, do petition campaigns, conduct public
referendums, organize town hall meetings, and so on.<br />
<br />
But, for most, voting is enough. That's sad, too,
because it's just so EASY. Democracy, by it's very nature
is very un-easy. It's tough, difficult, grueling,
challenging, contentious, conflictory, and very engaging.
Anyone who shows you a simple solution to a complex
problem like democracy or public governance of a complex
society should immediately be distrusted. Whether a
society's decision making process is formed through
majority rule, proportional representation, utter
dictatorship, or consensus, democracy is always a messy
affair.<br />
<br />
Voting often hinges upon the selection of the better
of two evils-- two mediocre (or bad) candidates who are
relatively indistinguishable, both rolling in tons of
money and dull rhetoric. Traditionally the “good
guys”, the Democrats have been aping the Republicans
(traditionally the “bad guys”), and have
succeeded in proving that they can be just as reactionary
and draconian and Right-wing-friendly as the Republicans.
They cozy upto corporate power, offer false promises to
unions and working people, approve of any “free
trade” deal that crosses their desks, fall
obediently into line and worship the flag whenever
“the President” of the time pushes the country
into war.<br />
<br />
Helen Keller once mused, “We vote, what does that
mean?” In the end, probably not much. Especially on
the scale of national elections, there is very little
possibility of any person or even bloc influencing a
presidential candidate. And, of course, since Presidents
are kings that are voted for, it's probably not even
desirable to influence them.<br />
<br />
On the other hand, though, voting at local elections
can really make a differences, especially with
citizen-run campaigns to reform corrupt city governments
or to throw reactionaries and fat-cats out of office.
Also, although I cringe to think of the ramifications:
voting is the easiest act of political activity and can
in a small way play a role. It also can be an in-road to
talking to others about more important matters.<br />
<br />
For instance, talking about issues instead of
candidates is vital. We have a serious hero worship
fetish in this country, and seem to prop all our hopes
upon one individual or a small group of individuals. In
the process, we forget that we are empowered people! We
can make a difference beyond voting for candidates.
Speaking about issues is the best way to avoid
personality politics. Who gives a shit whose hair is
better (or more real) or who can give the best sound
bite-- where do they stand on the death penalty? Better
yet, where does America really stand on the death
penalty? What can citizens do to remove it from the face
of society?<br />
<br />
Thus, although it's important not to fetishize voting,
registering to vote can be important: it places people in
jury pools. Presently, pools tend to be composed of
middle- and upper-class voters, who tend to be White.
Since the vast majority of people arrested for crimes in
this country are NOT, it is important that poorer people
and people of color are registered so they can truly be
“peers” and try those arrested. Otherwise,
we'll likely continue in a shameful (and classist and
racist) trajectory that will resemble slave lynchings
more than criminal trials.<br />
<br />
Enfranchising non-Whites and the poor is important.
But, it's equally important to re-enfranchise ex-felons
who are trying to reintegrate themselves into society.
They need a voice, and-- as pitiful a voice as voting
offers-- it can be an affirmation for a sizable sector of
the country. Also, a large voting block of cons would
cause politicians to (hopefully) stop all their “law
and order” grandstanding crap.<br />
<br />
I believe in a "diversity of tactics" to
challenge and change the current political system. That
means the whole spectrum of easy/less-meaningful (voting)
to the harder/more-meaningful (movement building) are
important and should be supported. I'm not goin g to
criticize anyone who does either of these things or
anything in the middle. It takes all kinds of resistance
to bring powerful institutions to their knees and we have
to appreciate this reality.<br />
<br />
Even though I will continue to vote in elections, I
believe the whole thing to be a massive racket of
distraction. I see the energy being sapped by the
anti-war movement into the campaigns for Democratic
“hopefuls” Howard Dean or Dennis Kucinch. Do
these individuals really stand a chance of winning? Even
if they were to be nominated and win the presidency, they
would still face the overpowering institutions of the
Pentagon, Defense Department, Armed Forces, defense
contractors, and capitalism itself. They'd be lucky if
they weren't assassinated within their first month in
office. But, a strong anti-war movement could change the
tenor of the country, force the power-elite into
war-mongering retreat.<br />
<br />
The rivers of money that flow, unseen through polling
places and the halls of Washington, D.C. lead me to one
sure-fire long-term goal. Direct action and non-electoral
organizing. I won't discard voting, but I won't trust it
as my savior-- because it isn't. Using the tactics of
subversion, civil disobedience, intervention, economic
action, and insurrection are more useful and fulfilling.
So many opportunities to make a difference and become
empowered depend on people believing that democracy is a
hard game to play... and no one should play it for you.
We need to divorce ourselves from the notion of easy,
quick-fix solutions and realize that change has to start
with ourselves.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-4469116085175310962012-04-29T14:33:00.001-07:002012-05-14T07:55:46.228-07:00Review of Mohammed Bamyeh's "Anarchy as Order"[My book review of <a href="http://www.sociology.pitt.edu/faculty/?q=mohammed-bamyeh/view">Mohammed Bamyeh</a>'s recent <a href="http://covers.rowmanlittlefield.com/ISBN/9780742556737"><i>Anarchy as Order: The History and Future of Civic Humanity</i></a> (Rowman & Littlefield), in <a href="http://societieswithoutborders.org/2012/04/23/volume-7-issue-1/">the online journal from Sociologists Without Borders (SSF), called <i>Societies Without Borders</i></a>.]<br />
<br />
Unlike the many activist and activist-scholar written books about anarchism in recent years, <i>Anarchy as Order</i> is written by a solidly professorial author. Consequently, the book under review here originates from a different source than works like <i>Anarchy Alive!</i> by Uri Gordon or <i>Gramsci is Dead</i> by Richard Day. These latter books are informed by the immediate, highly potent anarchist movements that have proliferated around the world in recent decades, and that have spread multi-faceted views and critiques of the societies in which they are embedded (as well as the globalizing spaces in-between cultural groupings). Still, <i>Anarchy as Order</i> is likely the best and most serious of the non-activist written books on anarchism, perhaps since established works by folks like James Joll or Peter Marshall. Yet, even that sort of praise does not do justice to the fascinating and highly-<i>sociological</i> interpretation Bamyeh gives of anarchism (or, more appropriately, anarchy). Unlike many bookish academics who have a perverse view of anarchism—more informed by the paranoid lies and misconceptions of mass media spokespersons, delusional free-marketeers, and government spies than by anarchists themselves—Bamyeh's account is sympathetic, learned, and true to the intent of classic anarchists like Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin (and even, later in the book, with a nod to Stirner!).<br />
<br />
Reading <i>Anarchy as Order</i> is like digesting a more philosophical and academic version of Colin Ward's modern classic <i>Anarchy in Action</i>, the English-speaking world's best work of anarchist-sociology (the major distinction between Bamyeh and Ward is the latter's emphasis on anarchy as an already-existing tendency in present society: sometimes obscured, but still there). As such, Bamyeh's work is a thoughtful indictment of modern societies—in particular the state (of which he provides a unique, digested analysis of the anarchist critique of the state)—and thus has much in common with an assorted collection of other critical and Marxist sociologists. However, like all anarchist writing, there is a clear, practical Utopian strand that prefigures the future. As with Ward (and most comparable anarchist thinkers, especially Kropotkin), Bamyeh's view of anarchical society is not one devoid of order, but rather a highly just, civil, and organic order. Due to this focus, Bamyeh inadvertently, but instantly, will draw comparison between his argument of a civil society consumed by the state and the Habermasian claim of “the system” colonizing the life-world.<br />
<br />
Bamyeh argues—correctly and creatively—that anarchism emphasizes freedom, indeterminate outcomes, and fluid solidarity, and an anarchical society would contain these elements, as opposed to other social qualities many societies are now tainted with (such as hero-worship, obedience, war-making, control, and inequality). Thus, one of <i>Anarchy as Order</i>'s clearest successes is framing anarchist ideas as potential (and maybe even latent) conditions in a future society—thus “anarchy”. To rescue the word “anarchy” from the semantic slaughterhouse it has historically been subjected to, Bamyeh instinctively adopts Proudhon's claim that “anarchy is order”, while contemporary society (as dominated by the nation-state, capitalist ravish, and religious oppression) is a society wracked by disorder, chaos. Bamyeh also smartly makes a distinction comparable to that of Alexander Berkman who once wrote that although some people were ready and willing to adopt the philosophy and tenets advocated by <i>anarchism</i> the ideology, few were able to successful practice and live in a world of unimposed and non-hierarchical <i>anarchy</i> (yet, anyway).<br />
<br />
Anarchist Studies scholars may be surprised by the credit extended to the “individualist” American faction in the United States (an attribution that seems to include modern Libertarianism, itself highly allergic to anti-capitalist anarchist movements). But, given the sympathies that “individualists” like Benjamin Tucker had for collectivists like Bakunin, it is unclear if such simple distinctions can be drawn. <i>Anarchy as Order</i>'s otherwise appropriately culled reading of anarchist philosophy and movement history excels beyond most scholarly works on anarchism, and can be seen to occupy a middle-ground between purely philosophical scholarly works (so abstract in character as they do not even acknowledge the existence of a <i>movement</i>) and the descriptive anarchist movement histories usually authored by activists (for use by their own movements). One weakness of this compromise is that nearly no attention is given to modern anarchist theory and movements, except abstractly. The explosion in new anarchist strains (or ideological subvariants) in recent decades—such as anarcha-feminism, Black anarchism, queer anarchism, post-leftism, especifismo, primitivism, and so on—have (even though sometimes controversially) changed anarchism's focus to a systematic critique of domination. Whereas Bamyeh's work is sympathetic to this contemporary consensus, most of his analysis focuses on the state—and far less so on patriarchy, white supremacy, heterosexism, Western civilization, and so on. In doing so, <i>Anarchy as Order</i> is a solid work on the state/civil society dichotomy, but is less mature in its analysis of other institutions of domination. This is not, I believe, a fatal deficit, since Bamyeh's highly nuanced and provocative analysis of the state furthers anarchist-sociology more than anything in the academic discipline has up to the present moment. Hopefully, future anarchist-sociology works will take up Bamyeh's agenda and extend it with the same seriousness, compassion, and commitment shown in <i>Anarchy as Order</i>.<br />
<br />
Readers looking for an empirical analysis from an anarchist perspective (and I was, at times, one of these readers) may feel slightly let down by this very abstract and philosophical work. There is no “research design” to follow, as so far as I can tell, and no dialogue with existing anarchist movements whose actions and ideas could inform Bamyeh's independent analysis. Thus, in contrast to some of the best recent case studies of modern anarchism, like Jeff Shantz's <i>Constructive Anarchy</i> (which follows labor struggles, anarchist tech geeks, anti-poverty and anti-border organizing, political squatters, and alternative educators) based on participant observation (a.k.a. “militant ethnography), Bamyeh seeks to construct a theoretical argument built by his own substantial intellectual force.<br />
<br />
Post-colonialist readers (and sociologists who lack the desire to respect the confines of nation-states, such as Sociologists Without Borders) will enjoy <i>Anarchy as Order</i>. The book will be of interest not merely because such an orientation is crucial to modern anarchism, but also due to Bamyeh's vast knowledge of non-Western (particularly Islamic) thought and history, world-systems theory, and radical civil society claims. Still, as alluded to above, these parts of the book tend to avoid both classic anarchism's advocacy for internationalism (“one big union”, cross-national worker solidarity, etc.) as well as modern global justice and anti-border activism.<br />
<br />
Ultimately, the principal audiences for <i>Anarchy as Order</i> are sociologists who want to know more about anarchism and anarchists who seek a sociological interpretation of their philosophy. A good example of this is the intriguing discussions of subjects of interest to both sociologists and anarchists, including: trust, alliance, personality, alienation, and the common good. Bamyeh has the ability make the superficially-mundane fascinating and unpredictable. One of the best examples of this talent is Table 6.1, where he contrasts democracy, types of society, and the state, thereby illustrating an anarchist view of potential social forms. The emerging typology here is provocative and intellectually stimulating.<br />
<br />
Personally, my own preference for “anarchist-sociology” (at least as an academic project) would be conceived of as a “big tent” under which sympathetic authors can bring together their varied collection of works, based on many theoretical perspectives, strategies, empirical data, methodological approaches, and such. These works could all inform each other, with a cacophony of different voices engaged in a diverse conversation of understanding. If this is a sensible strategy to an incipient anarchist-sociology, then <i>Anarchy as Order</i> is an amazing contribution to that project.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-87888832590359278452012-04-13T22:40:00.000-07:002012-04-13T22:41:46.970-07:00The Democraps<span style="font-style:italic;">[From February 2004]</span><br /><br />I come from a Democrat-voting household. I've got no reason to suspect that either of my parents have ever voted anything other than Democrat. They likely have a few [unfortunate] disagreements in general ideology, such as on the issue of a woman's right to choose, but otherwise are what I'd call strong Democrats.<br /><br />That said, the Democratic Party is the most worthless excuse for a political organization this country has today. I don't just mean in its lack of a cohesive ideology or vibrant vision; I mean in it's ability to do anything, to stand up to adversity, or to even speak out against the Republicans. Not that I'm all broken up inside because of this -- I'm an anarchist and thus opposed fundamentally to the idea of party politics (at least as its constructed in its current configuration).<br /><br />Outside of this strong disdain for electoral and party politics, there's still more to criticize. The Democrat Party tends to select the most moderate candidates possible. Sure, their traditional support may be liberal or even Left, but they always pick the most soda pop candidates (would you like Coke or Pepsi?) Thus, the Party was stuck with the horrendously lame Al Gore in the 2000 Presidential election. Can you think of a more boring candidate? Even in this example, however, Gore was more of a conservative than even his moderate (yet Republican-leaning) pal Bill Clinton.<br /><br />Election in and election out, the Democrats focus on little more than complaining about their Republican counterparts. Sure, there's a lot to complain about, but frankly it's really easy to do so. And many liberal-leaning constituencies of the Democrats take up this Republican-bitch-fest, too. It's like Lorenzo Kom'boa Ervin's criticism of Anti-Racist Action for focusing only on the obvious racists like the Klan or Nazis, when the real problem with racism in this country has other names: the police, the courts, the prison system, the "War on Drugs", capitalism...<br /><br />Thus, when Democrats open their mouths to make “strong statements”, it's usually against the Republicans (who often act much like the Democrats). Around election time it's the same story. Complain about either the Republican candidates or the incumbent Republicans. Heaven forbid they should actually bring up “daring” issues (outside of the usual “law and order” and tinkering with Medicaid) like universal health care, dismantling America's war machine, stopping the drug war and the prison industry, attacking corporate rule, and so forth. Instead, they are much more content to complain about Republicans and then argue amongst themselves over “safe” issues. How lame!<br /><br />Even more cowardly is the tendency of the party to rally-round-the-flag during war. Sure, the Democrats may feel confident to challenge the Bush regime for its WMD claims nearly 11 months after invading Iraq, but do they ever bother bringing up the fact that the war was highly illegal, unpopular, unethical, etc.? Or, more fundamentally, did they even open their mouths before the war started to criticize it? Well, some did. But, the war resolutions in Congress couldn't have been won without strong Democrat support. And then as soon as the war started even these Democrats tucked their tails between their legs and mumbled platitudes about “supporting the troops” and the “Commander-in-Chief”. It apparently takes a lot of effort to resist the urge to lick boot leather.<br /><br />The Democrats are equally shameless in their pursuit of Big Money. Sure, they can't seem to out-raise the Republicans, but it's not for a lack of trying. Enron was paying off lots of Democrats, too. Of course, if they ever pumped their efforts into actually speaking to real people as opposed to stalking every potential millionaire donor, they might actually find their message resonates more. And, they might not be perceived as the utter hypocrites they are. These politicians snap to attention when their corporate overlords come calling. Take a look at how happily the Clinton-Gore machine gave away the National Forests to mining and logging interests.<br /><br />The sad thing is how uncritically the traditional Democratic Party base continues to support these characters, particularly unions and minorities. These politicians have sold down the river the rights of working people to corporations along with the dream of racial equality and economic justice. Being in neither demographic, I am not in a position to say why this support continues, nor should I say that they are necessarily wrong to do so. But, I fantasize about a day when the people can utilize their collective strength to push this party (kicking and screaming, if need be) out of the right-wing that controls it, back into the Left. Either that or start supporting other alternatives, like the Green Party.<br /><br />All these criticisms stem from a strong cynicism of electoral and party politics. I'm not one to denigrate someone for wanting to vote, even if for a Democrat candidate, but I believe that true societal transformation -- an r/evolution that can achieve social and economic justice -- must be arrived at through a revitalization of democracy, not electoral/party politics, and definitely not through this whack Democrat Party.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-18531946164432801802012-04-10T17:45:00.004-07:002012-04-17T08:00:13.395-07:00Presidents are Kings are Shit<span style="font-style:italic;">[Written in early-2003, but just as appropriate in 2012. Appeared once in a friend's 'zine, named Misadventure.]</span><br /><br />For a long time I've wondered why the U.S. has presidents. It doesn't seem to make much sense to me. Why? Because I've been under the impression that the U.S. attempts to be a democracy. So what, right? Lots of democracies have presidents or prime ministers. Maybe that's the problem: everyone thinks it's normal that a free, democratic society should be entrusted to one individual.<br /><br />Well, of course, there's the crap we learn in high school-- there's “checks and balances”!! Isn't it genius?!? Every branch of the government checks everyone else? Perfecto! Well, call me skeptical, but I fail to see how giving one individual 1/3 of the decision making for a country of 285 million people is democratic, let alone fair.<br /><br />Does the Judicial system really “check” the Executive branch? Does the Legislative branch really bother checking the Executive or the Judicial? When was the last executive nominated Supreme Court justice turned down by Congress? When does the Judicial care at all about the Executive? Even in the days of Richard Nixon, it could barely wrestle public property (Presidential tapes) from Nixon's corrupt fingers.<br /><br />Isn't a “president” really nothing more than a glorified Monarch? It's a King you vote for. Sure, the president can't just wave his arms and get anything done, but damn close. Why in the world would people be foolish enough to give anybody that much power? Here's someone who is only supposed to make treaties and command the military, but now does pretty much anything, including run roughshod over Congress, the Bill of Rights, and the rest of the world.<br /><br />If we believe in democracy-- really believe in democracy-- why are we stupid enough to fall for the “Great Man” philosophy? If only we had the right president, then the country would be better! Heck, even leftists think this way: if only we elected Ralph Nader, then everything would be all better! How ridiculous it is to assume that a country as diverse as our's is could ever be properly represented by any person (man or woman, Ralph Nader or not)?<br /><br />Where are all the political scientists writing about how hierarchical this all is? How in the hell can anyone claim that this is democratic? My understanding of democracy is that the people run society. No, George W. Bush runs society (mainly, of course, because we let him). When was the last time you were consulted about what the U.S. should do regarding Iraq? Do you actually think Bush cares about your opinion? He only cares about what he can get away with!<br /><br />Perhaps it's a fault of human nature that most humans look for one powerful, charismatic person (usually a White male) to lead them out of darkness. But, I think it's because that's what society tells us to do. That's what the media tells us, our high school “civics” classes tell us, and everyone else tells us.<br /><br />We spend so much time worshipping the memory of former leaders: JFK, George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and so on. Well, who worships Genghis Khan, Attila the Hun, King George the First (of Great Britain, not the U.S.)? None, but they too got their people mired into the same wars, poverty, and decadence that the aforementioned presidents did. What's the difference?<br /><br />During the Roman Empire (a predecessor to the American Empire), there formed a triumvirate of power. Three men would control ultimate power in Rome. Not exactly a great idea (although that's 2 more heads of state than the U.S. has). But, of course, two of them turned on one, until he was gone, then the two remaining turned on each other, consolidating power along the way.<br /><br />When the U.S. was formed, it was intended as a weak union with local authority taking precedence over federal control. Not a bad idea at all, but then the Articles of Confederation was scrapped in favor of a more centralized constitution, with a stronger President (much more like the King of England that they had fought to escape from). Over time, the President compiled more and more power, establishing executive powers far and wide.<br /><br />Now, we put so much stock in what the president says. We tremble at every word, watch every action, discuss every policy that trickles out of his administration. His decree becomes the direction of the country. His emotions are channeled through the press and felt by the American people (those who still believe presidents, at least). When the president decides to goto war, the country goose steps behind him-- especially the congress, who is supposed to declare war in the first place. When in the hell was the last time a president asked people at the grassroots level of decision making in this country what they think? When was the last time any of them relinquished their own power to local governments and decision making bodies?<br /><br />The president isn't my father-- I don't trust his advice. The president isn't my god-- I will never worship him or plead for my life. The president isn't my favorite philosopher-- none of his actions mesh with his words. The president isn't (and never will be) my friend-- how could I be “buddies” with anyone who has so much power over so many?<br /><br />If we believe in democracy-- and I hope the American people and the world does-- we would radically redistribute power. And not just to a higher number of “elected officials”. Democracy does not necessarily mean voting. Voting is only one mechanism of decision making, it isn't democracy itself. We need councils, boards, collectives, cooperatives, affinity groups, spokescouncils, and more councils. None of this hero-worship bullshit, but actual practiced democracy, where no one is more powerful than anyone else.<br /><br />A president is a King with a good P.R. agent. Only a fool would vote for a King and think they are free.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-60938246882723592922012-02-10T20:31:00.000-08:002012-02-10T20:34:50.960-08:00Modern Anarchism and "New Social Movements" TheoriesModern anarchism overlaps with many features of the NSM framework. I have argued—and this paper provides suggestive evidence—that the observations about modern movements made by NSM theories <span style="font-style:italic;">parallel</span> contemporary anarchism and the greater anarchist movement. Still, certain themes relevant to the anarchist movement provide either contradiction or extension to the NSM typology offered by Sutton and Vertigans (2006). I suggest that anarchism differs from standard NSMs in its revolutionary anti-statism, radical practicality, anti-capitalism, and apparent connection to an earlier wave of Nineteenth Century anarchism. The tension between anarchism and NSM theory has important implications that have been unaddressed thus far by scholarly research.<br /><br />Although NSMs do not aim to seize the power of the state, they also tend to prefer or tolerate co-existence with the state. Anarchists, on the other hand, seek not only to overthrow the state, but to dissolve its centralized power so it may not be utilized by any elite group. Thus, anarchist ambitions are not limited to non-state goals, but rather anti-state goals are pursued via non-state means. Movement strategies and tactics aim to usurp power through direct action that is designed to empower people—not political representatives. The typical approach of NSMs to utilize the state to achieve its goals finds little support with the anarchist movement.<br /><br />The anarchist movement shares the same symbolic character as its NSM cousins, but does not neglect what it views as the more important goal of providing for people’s everyday needs. This radical practicality is present in all forms of anarchism activity, where symbolic direct actions are not merely symbolic, but also pragmatic, demonstrable, and functional. Whether Food Not Bombs providing food to the hungry, Anti-Racist Action protecting against fascist attacks, Earth First!’s blockading forest clear-cutting, or the black bloc disrupting “business as usual” during large demonstrations, anarchists aim to not only demonstrate, but also to <span style="font-style:italic;">pre-figure</span> a different world. Such practicality is both radical in how it addresses fundamental needs, but also directly targets the perceived source of social problems. Anarchists’ practicality does not merely seek to defend “civil society” from state encroachment, but also from capitalism, patriarchy, White supremacy, and bureaucracy.<br /><br />Whereas the NSMs apparently transcend the working class and industrial concerns, anarchism has only partially grown in a post-industrial direction. Instead, there is still a sizable participation of self-identified working-class anarchists in the movement, and the movement itself cannot be reduced to either purely working-class or middle-class interests. Instead, capitalism remains a central (although not the only) enemy of anarchism. It has not been dropped as a concern to be reformed or partnered with, as with other NSMs. All anarchist tendencies—and not merely the still-active anarcho-syndicalists and anarcho-communists that have the most obvious ideological oriented in this direction—are by definition anti-capitalist. Class is not a “dead issue”, but remains a major form of inequality and domination in all societies, whether industrializing or “post-industrial”.<br /><br />Last, many of Sutton and Vertigans characteristics were present in the early iteration of anarchism. Classic-era anarchism also involved radically democratic means, middle-class and even upper-class constituents (although it was dominated by working class members), a denouncement of political ambition within states, and the creation of alternate identities. Anarchists have always been united, not by ethnicity, disability, gender, or values, but rather by common ideology. The rejection of authority (even if sometimes limited in earlier definitions) has been a central factor since the Paris Commune to today’s anarchists. The horizontal and anti-authoritarian organizational forms chosen by anarchists are not recent characteristics, but qualities that pre-date the 1960s New Left. Affinity groups, federations, and cooperatives have been the main form of anarchist organization for over a century. Anti-“Political” politics are not new to anarchists, but rather were founding principles considered necessary for the construction of a new social order.<br /><br />Thus, NSM theories help to categorize contemporary anarchism, but not perfectly. NSM arguments are somewhat over-extended (particularly in regards to class and capitalism) and the revolutionary quality of anarchist goals is over-looked by NSM theories. Yet, despite these contradictions and tensions, future research on NSM theory and contemporary movements should consider the prominent role that anarchism has begun to play in global movements and how its presence offers particular challenges to the received understanding of movements to date. The critique of the anarchists is radical, as is their solution to social problems. NSM theories have begun to appreciate these noteworthy characteristics, but have yet to consider their depth and their respective consequences. Potentially, with a deeper appreciation of the relationship between anarchism and social movement theory, scholarship may move closer to the development of a unique “anarchist-sociology”, which in turn could provide a new, critical framework for interpreting society and radical social movements.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">References</span><br /><br />Sutton, P.W. and Vertigans, S. (2006) “Islamic 'New Social Movements'? Radical Islam, Al-Qa'ida and Social Movement Theory”. <span style="font-style:italic;">Mobilization: An International Journal</span>, 11 (1), March: 101-115.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7013001422000071443.post-75891458814483116802012-02-01T21:37:00.000-08:002012-02-01T21:42:29.333-08:00Dialectical Challenges to Progress [to Overcoming Inequality and Domination]<span style="font-style:italic;">[A final section of the chapter on Inequality & Anarchism... looking forward!]</span><br /><br />These strategies struggle with a number of dialectical challenges, which are not easily resolved by change agents. First, the strategic issue of reform versus revolution. Should one apply considerable effort in a local matter of social injustice that may have only a limited scope of impact (even if a successful campaign), or channel energy into building for long-term and more radical change? While the latter is ultimately more desirable, to ignore the former conflicts risks the possibility of losing ground in an already imbalanced playing field of injustice, as well as missing the opportunity to engage with folks in day-to-day struggle on big-picture, revolutionary ideas. Put another way, this dialectic involves the contradictions between reactive politics and prefigurative politics. Anarchists warn that people ignore immediate struggles to their own detriment, but also caution against the trappings of reformism and the exhaustion induced by treading water. While always cognizant of the need to stop on-going domination (the so-called “social problems” emphasized by sociologists), anarchist-sociologists argue for the importance of also focusing upon how such forms of domination could be avoided in the future.[1]<br /><br />A second dialectic challenge is posed by the reactions to past domination and atrocity: consolation versus reconciliation. It is important for dominated peoples to be comfortable in the present, to have apologies for past wrongs, and to have the sympathies of others for their plight. For instance, the consolation extended by the US government for its genocidal actions (which was not put in such strong—or accurate—language, of course) against indigenous peoples is good and meaningful. But is it “enough”? Does it constitute justice? Does it help indigenous peoples in any substantial way? As the saying goes, “talk is cheap”. Sometimes an “apology” is a rather bad outcome, since it gives the illusion that an unjust situation has been rectified; i.e. “What is their problem? We already apologized for all that stuff from the past!”. Barring the outcome of dramatic separation—which is unlikely for most disadvantaged groups, particularly for women from men—dominated peoples should be able to live with or alongside their [hopefully, former] dominators. If the crimes of past atrocity (e.g. slavery, relocation, or forced sterilization) or the hopefully soon-to-be-ended crimes (e.g. class exploitation, sexual violence, or discrimination) can put an end to the disadvantaged position of the dominated, does that truly solve their problems? Domination tends to have a residue, which creates a multi-generational disadvantage that needs to be intervened upon. Consider the example of South Africa's formal efforts in the aftermath of Apartheid: a “truth and reconciliation” committee investigated past crimes and sought ways to bring victim and perpetrator together, not unlike restorative justice aims to do.<br /><br />Lastly, there is a strategic, dialectical conundrum posed by the complex sources of hierarchy's power. Hierarchies are premised upon legal rules, social tradition, and unreflective practice. Yet, the easiest way to “attack” a hierarchy is on moral grounds: it is unethical, wrong, and unjust. In fact, such a moral argument is often not difficult to make and even get quick agreement from others (even people who may benefit from such hierarchies). The immoral basis of hierarchy is likely the easiest claim to make, and, consequently, the least effective. Surely it is necessary to eliminate support for the values that undergird hierarchy, but this alone does not undue hierarchy's power. Removing the legal structures to hierarchy is a formidable challenge and even more difficult if no ethical claim has been made against these structures. Tradition can be changed, but it takes dedicated efforts to shift cultural priorities and to reconfigure socialization. And, it is very possible—especially in the midst of great bureaucracies—for a scary inertia the take hold and for immoral acts to continue even in the absence of moral argument for them. Although hierarchy is often depicted as a ladder or a pyramid, it is not as easily undone as pushing over a ladder or detonating a pyramid with dynamite (especially via mere moralizing). Hierarchy's complexity aids its staying-power, and provides great challenge to anarchists and others who aim to ultimately up-end it.<br /><br /><span style="font-weight:bold;">Notes</span><br /><br />[1] Or, as one activist puts it: “Let's take time to sit-down together with our colored-pens and crayons to draw-out our vision!”.Anarchy + Societyhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/04661398775995561303noreply@blogger.com0